This study aims to explore the effectiveness of reconciliation in post-genocide peace building. Peace activists believe that reconciliation is necessary after a post-war conflict to ensure regeneration and lasting peace. Past research has shown that there are successful and failed cases when implementing reconciliation mechanism, however there is a lack of understanding why some models of reconciliation have succeeded, while others have failed, an aspect that is not fully explored. Therefore this study aims to explore how reconciliation is approached and implemented across different contexts, Rwanda and Cambodia, so as to understand why it brings success or failure in these contexts. The results are analyzed with the help of John Paul Lederach’s four components for reconciliation, justice, truth, mercy and peace, and compared the generated results with the previous research. The main results show that reconciliation has failed in Cambodia and Rwanda. In accordance with John Paul Lederach’s theory, there is a hindrance towards reconciliation in Cambodia because of lack of Justice and Truth as the main concepts and is identified as a structural dimension. In the case of Rwanda, there is a lack of Mercy and Truth and is identified as a relational dimension.

In deeply divided societies political parties that attempt to reach across that divide, by definition, form the exception. Indeed, in post-settlement contexts where institutions have been designed to accommodate communal identities, non-ethnic parties are broadly cast in the literature as marginal actors. Nevertheless, in a number of segmented societies, civic parties and movements have emerged and seized space in the political system. This thesis probes the puzzle of these actors’ existence and endurance in power-sharing frameworks by comparatively analysing the experiences of civic parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Northern Ireland. It explores the constraints and opportunities these parties encounter in such settings and how they navigate those structures. This thesis seeks to advance understanding of this critical topic, contributing comparative findings on which broader theoretical work can build. Standing at the juncture of the theories of consociational democracy and civic mobilisation in divided societies, this research examines this problem comparatively in the selected cases. Taking a qualitative, interpretive approach it draws primarily on evidence from elite interviews, as well as a limited number of focus groups with voters and analysis of party documents. This thesis has found that civic parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Northern Ireland, in varying ways, meet with severe barriers in the formal and informal structures of their consociational settings, but that they also find critical openings therein. These opportunities, however, can incentivise non-ethnic actors to assume roles and pursue strategies that conflict with their longer term goals and challenge their legitimacy as civic parties. In fighting for survival on the centre ground in divided polities, civic parties are faced with strategic dilemmas that they must carefully negotiate. These findings demonstrate the centrality of institutions for the type of politics and political actors that ensue following peace settlement and bear potential implications for institutional design and party strategy in such contexts.

The thesis considers an understudied form of third party peacemaking, namely peacemaking interventions with kin-state involvement. The main research question this thesis seeks to analyse is how local actors, their kin-states and third party peacemakers interact within the context of a peacemaking intervention for power-sharing in deeply divided societies. The literature on third party peacemaking largely neglects the role of kin-states in peacemaking, while in the literature on power-sharing the role of external actors, including kin-states, remains understudied. This thesis aims to address these gaps by investigating the recent peacemaking interventions for power-sharing with kin-state involvement in Cyprus, Bosnia and Northern Ireland. The findings of the case studies are combined and assessed through the use of a five-level analytical framework, which includes the local actors level; the local actors-third party peacemaker level; the local actors-kin-state(s) level; the third party peacemaker-kin-state(s) level; and the kin-states level. The analysis identifies a number of conditions pertinent to each of these levels which affect peacemaking interventions for power-sharing in deeply divided societies with kin-state involvement. There are two main original contributions of this thesis to the above mentioned literatures. First, it proposes a typology of kin-state involvement in peacemaking, which categorises kin-state involvement into four roles: promoter; quasi-mediator; power-broker; and enforcer. Second, through the use of game theoretical analysis, more specifically a nested games approach, it illustrates how the interaction between local actors, their kin-states and third party peacemakers can be modelled in the context of a peacemaking intervention for power-sharing. The empirical and theoretical conclusions of this study indicate that kin-state involvement in third peacemaking interventions is more complex and fluid than widely assumed.

This thesis will argue that one of the main challenges for deliberative democracy is the lack of attention paid to the different modes of deliberative practices. The theories of deliberative democracy often treat deliberation as a decision-making process. Yet, I would argue that this approach fails to appreciate the full benefits of deliberation because it ignores the fundamental role that the social learning phase of deliberation plays in reconciling differences. Hence I argue for a deliberative framework in which social learning and decision-making moments of deliberation are analytically differentiated so that the resources of social learning are freed from the pressures of decision-making procedures and are therefore no longer subordinated to the terms of decision-making.¶ This is particularly important for countries such as Turkey where divisions cut deep across society. A case study examines the discourses of the Turkish public sphere regarding Islam, democracy and secularism to identify the kinds of discourses present in relation to the topic in question. By analysing the types of discourses through Q methodology the study reveals points of convergence and divergence between discourses, hence provides significant insight into how deliberation oriented to social learning can play a substantive role in reconciling differences between sharply divided groups.

This thesis reports on the social structures underpinning interschool collaboration in the context of Shared Education and the networks of staff relations that have been developed for the purpose of overcoming systemic separation. Drawing upon social network theory, it is argued that in order to further the model of Shared Education the corresponding research and academic enterprise must move beyond the analogous use of the term ‘network’ and consider the concept in a more analytical manner. In this sequential mixed methods case study, an exploratory network analysis of the staff members (n=97) from five collaborating primary schools in a Shared Education partnership was performed using a socio-metric instrument to examine four collaborative interactions—exchanging resources, seeking professional knowledge, discussing personal matters, and meeting socially. This was then followed by semi-structured interviews with the staff members (n=16) observed as most central within the partnership's network. The findings of this study suggest that Shared Education can facilitate network structures that overcome systemic separation; that partner preference is based upon desirable structural characteristics; that partnership sustainability may be an extension of social network adaptability; that Shared Education offered an alternative model for collegial engagement; that the model can facilitate learning relationships and knowledge creation; and that relational embeddedness is also observed to be a critical aspect of the partnership's leadership. Therefore, it is advocated that those researching Shared Education must develop a more nuanced approach to thinking about the structure of partnerships and the relationships that constitute them.

It is the purpose of this study to propose that perceptions of peacebuilding activities in all tracks of divided societies (political, civil society leaders, and grassroots), and the perceptions of the collaboration between the tracks are essential processes to a sustainable peace agreement at the political level. This study will examine multi-track peacebuilding and the collaboration (or lack of it) between tracks in Cyprus. Additionally, it will analyze the perceptions of the necessity of collaboration across tracks. The analysis of this study is conducted in two phases: (1) analyzing interviews with Track One diplomats and examining previous and existing peacebuilding processes within Cyprus through observation, interviews, and analysis of existing studies; and (2) through student observations and interviews of the Cypriot populace on the perceptions of the conflict and peacebuilding collaborations among and across tracks. The results of this research indicate that there is a need for stronger connections between the political and societal level peacebuilding strategies in Cyprus for a sustainable peace agreement. Furthermore, the findings of this research suggest that multi-track collaboration should be added to Conflict Transformation Theory.

Reconciliation is important for reducing the likelihood of future conflict between groups but can be particularly difficult to achieve. This remains true within divided societies as the result of frozen conflict. This thesis asks why do some individuals, in the context of divided societies engaged in frozen conflict, have more positive reconciliatory attitudes than others? The approach of community center peacebuilding organizations (CCPB) was identified as one possible solution to this question. The hypothesis suggests that individuals who engage in such organizations will have more positive reconciliatory attitudes compared to the average community member. This is based on a theoretical framework that relies on contact theory, suggesting that the CCPB model establishes the necessary conditions for nurturing more reconciliatory attitudes in individuals. It is suggested to achieve this through positive intergroup contact that is generalizable to the outgroup as a whole.  A quantitative study based on 101 cases from original survey data is used to test this hypothesis. Using a logistic regression, support is found that establishes a significant positive correlation between engagement in CCPB and reconciliatory attitudes.   Key Words: reconciliation, contact theory, peacebuilding, community center, shared space, frozen conflict, divided societies, Cyprus

This paper investigates the relationship between ethnic conflict, electoral systems, and power sharing in ethnically divided societies. The cases of Guyana, Fiji, Sri Lanka, Lebanon, Mauritius, and Trinidad and Tobago are considered. Electoral systems are denoted based on presidential versus parliamentary system, and on proportional representation versus majoritarian/plurality. The paper concludes that, while electoral systems are important, other factors like the power distribution between ethnic groups, and ensuring a non-zero-sum game may be as important.

Power-sharing is introduced in ethnic-divided and ethnic-polarised countries with the aim to prevent and/or end conflicts. The purpose is to include different groups in power-sharing positions. This paper has focused on two of most used power-sharing theories, Centripetalism and Consociationalism, and conducted two case studies in Bosnia and Hercegovina and Nigeria who both have implemented one of these power-sharing arrangements. While previous research has focused on whether power-sharing institutions are effective when wanting to meddle peace, we found that there was absence of research and understanding in who is allowed in the power-sharing and which groups are excluded from power-sharing. From the previous research we found that there is an underlying idea that the people included in power-sharing are the majorities within the context, which we found problematic. We used data from the first and the latest election of each country, as well as political manifestos from the most popular political parties, and public documents to understand if there is a correlation between power-sharing arrangements and the inclusion or exclusion of minorities. The method used to analyse the empirics was the Critical Discourse Analysis which is used when wanting to analyse social power in terms of control. The result showed that there has been a positive change over the past years where the discourse of including minorities in power-sharing is more common today than during the first election. Although there were some positive results, we also found that this discussion is more theoretical than practical and if this was to become reality, there could be a backlash on the peace. Although these power-sharing arrangements have been used for over two decades in both of the countries, both of the studied countries have discriminatory constitutions, where some groups are favoured in the society.

Conflict in deeply divided societies often has a profound impact both on the societies in which the conflict is located, and on the surrounding states and societies. Constitutional engineers working in such societies are inevitably attracted to power-sharing as a means of stabilising inter-group relations. Consociational democracy is a form of power-sharing democracy which is particularly attractive for a divided society, because its demands on the society are relatively few. It aims to separate the communities in the conflict as much as possible, while emphasising elite co-operation in the formal institutions of government. A difficulty with consociational democracy, however, is that the elite co-operation it requires to function is also required for the system to be adopted, yet will not necessarily be present. Cyprus is an excellent example of the difficulty of gaining agreement on a consociational regime for a divided society. In 1963, the consociational Republic of Cyprus collapsed as a result of mistrust between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. In 2004, a consociational system of government was designed for Cyprus by a team of UN experts under the direction of then-Secretary-General, Kofi Annan. The system of government was rejected in April 2004 at a referendum, and, consequently, was not adopted. This thesis examines why Cyprus has thus far been unable to adopt a political settlement. Failure is as hard to explain as success. Success may have many fathers and failure none, but there are as many possible causes of a failure as of a success. There is also the difficulty of the counter-factual: what facts would need to be different to produce success where experience is only of failure. The thesis systematically examines possible causes of failure, including the idea of consociational democracy itself, the particular consociational designs proposed for Cyprus, and the influence of historical aspirations and experiences. Particular attention is paid to the idea that there may be key factors which must be present before a consociational solution can be adopted. The factors, selected for this case study for their apparent relevance to Cyprus, are elite co-operation, segmental isolation, a balance of power between the disputant groups, and the ability of the international community to offer incentives for compromise. It is argued that these factors, especially elite relations and the complex web of causes which determine these, are central to an explanation of the Cyprus experience.