Thomas Dufferin Pattullo had a distinguished career as cabinet minister, leader of the opposition and premier of British Columbia. Born in Ontario, he was as a young man attracted to the Klondike gold rush and spent a number of years in the Yukon. He later moved to Prince Rupert where he opened a business and took part in local politics. Following his success in the 1916 provincial general election, Pattullo was appointed, as Minister of Lands, to the new Liberal cabinet of Premier Harlan C. Brewster. Under the successive premierships of Brewster, John Oliver and Dr. John Duncan MacLean he continued to hold this position until the Liberals were defeated in the general election of 1928. On MacLean's retirement from politics in 1929, Pattullo was elected House leader of the Liberal party; the following year he was made its permanent leader. In this position he carefully and shrewdly rebuilt the Liberal party machine which had been badly shattered in the 1928 election. Fortunately for Pattullo, it was the Conservatives, under Premier Simon Fraser Tolmie, who were first forced to contend with the problems of the economic depression of the 1930's. The depression quickly undermined the strength and morale of the Conservative government; in 1932 Tolmie confessed his government's inability to cope with economic conditions by offering Pattullo a position in a coalition cabinet. Pattullo, capitalizing on the Conservative's confessed ineptitude, used this offer to buttress the already strong image of himself as a man able and willing to solve the province's problems. He was strongly influenced by ideas then current regarding social change and "work and wages" became the Liberal's slogan. By 1933, Pattullo was the dominant figure on the British Columbia political scene, his party's machine was the most efficient the province had yet seen, and his version of the New Deal had captured the imagination of a large proportion of the citizens of British Columbia. In the provincial general election held in the autumn of that year he and his Liberal party decisively defeated both the Conservative party and the newly-formed Cooperative Commonwealth Federation. In November, 1933, Pattullo became British Columbia's twenty-second premier. During his first term of office the new premier found great difficulty in translating his campaign promises into legislative action. Although his government enacted considerable remedial legislation, it was unable to raise the money required for the vast scheme of public works which the Liberal party had promised in the election. Since they were beyond the capacity of the province by itself to fulfil, Pattullo's promises needed a large measure of federal financial assistance. Despite an increasingly acrimonious debate, first with R.B. Bennett and later with Mackenzie King, the premier was never able to secure federal participation in his economic schemes. In consequence, the Liberals lost a great deal of their early popularity. Between 1935 and 1937, this loss prompted considerable restiveness in the Liberal party organization and some dissatisfaction with Pattullo'a leadership. In these years, however, Pattullo's hold on the party machinery remained fairly firm and there was no open challenge to his position. In the spring of 1937, a fortunate combination of a general improvement in the economic conditions in the province with a rupture in the C.C.F., the party which had for a time been expected to win the next election, encouraged Pattullo to call a general election. Although Liberal support declined from the strength shown in 1933, the party was again victorious. In a convention called during the following year, Pattullo, capitalizing on his electoral success, made almost absolute his control over the party. During his second term, Pattullo became increasingly insensitive to public opinion. He alienated much of his support in the metropolitan areas by his handling of the "sit-down" strike of unemployed men in Vancouver and Victoria. In 1941, misjudging the attitude of the public toward the Report of the Rowell-Sirois Commission, he rejected its recommendations at the federal-provincial conference called to discuss the Report. This conduct was severely criticized throughout the province. These major political errors, more minor political issues, and antagonisms which accumulated during eight years of office, resulted in the Liberal party's defeat in the general election held in October, I94I. Although short of a majority in the legislature, the Liberals managed, however, to elect more supporters than either the Conservatives or the C.C.F. In these circumstances Pattullo decided to attempt to carry on with a minority government. He had, however, misjudged his strength within the Liberal party. Personal loyalty to the leader, so strong in 1933, had been transformed through the years (In part because of his increasingly dictatorial manner) into a loyalty which was given only to a successful office-holder. When, in the defiance of insistent demands from the press, from both opposition parties and from many of his own supporters for the formation of a coalition government, Pattullo refused to take such a step, his strength within the party faded away. Outmanoeuvred by the coalitionists within the Liberal party, he was forced by a party convention to yield up his place as premier of British Columbia and as leader of the Liberal party. His successor, John Hart, instituted the coalition of the Liberal and Conservative parties to which Pattullo had been for so long opposed. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

No description available.

Thèse (de maîtrise)--Université Laval, 2006. / Titre de l'écran-titre (visionné le 28 mars 2007). Bibliogr.: f. 98-103.

Selon la tradition, Samuel de Champlain aurait retenu le site de Québec pour ses qualités défensives. Mais se pourrait-il qu'à défaut de comprendre Champlain, la tradition ait préféré questionner la nature au lieu de questionner le fondateur? Cette question constitue notre point de départ. Notre projet consiste à comprendre Québec à l'aune d'une morphogenèse traduisant une mobilisation des acteurs par les formes sensibles des paysages, préalablement investies de valeurs. La fondation de Québec aurait été le fait d'un investissement de représentations symboliques auxquelles le promontoire aurait fait écho. C'est que depuis la Renaissance, la localisation de certains acteurs serait influencée par une coïncidence entre des formes symboliques (idéaux, modèles...) et les images mentales que peuvent suggérer les formes des paysages. Dans ce processus, les artistes auraient la capacité de nous révéler ces coïncidences. Dans cette optique, quatre acteurs auraient lourdement infléchie la morphogenèse de Québec. Champlain, malgré ses prétentions, aurait finalement été contraint d'occuper une position attribuée, son «choix» pour Québec relevant notamment d'une coïncidence entre l'intuition qu'il pouvait avoir de la géopolitique amérindienne et des formes paysagères pouvant suggérer les discontinuités découlant de cette géopolitique. Dans le regard de Montmagny, le promontoire de Québec aurait fait écho à la posture que s'attribuait alors le sujet baroque. Le sujet aurait cherché à exprimer son unicité en s'associant avec les saillances du paysage. Mais au même moment, d'autres acteurs baroques — les communautés religieuses — auraient elles aussi été mobilisées par le promontoire de Québec. Une mimesis d'appropriation aurait été amplifiée par un paysage pouvant suggérer le rang social de ces acteurs. De cette rivalité devait émerger l'organisation axiale de Québec. Cette axialité a eu et a encore, une forte incidence sur le devenir de Québec. L'organisation du domaine bâti de Québec — des faubourgs enserrant un centre — aurait évoqué l'individualisme romantique, incitant les bourgeoisies à vouloir occuper le bourg fortifié. Modernes, elles voulaient détruire les murs de Québec. Or, Lord Dufferin les forçait à conserver ces derniers. La morphogenèse de Québec prenait une nouvelle tangente sous l'influence d'une confusion entre un idéal individualiste, l'organisation du paysage de Québec et une position centrale qui changeait de valeur. Les bourgeoisies se aisaient prendre dans un «piège paysager». Depuis lors, la morphogenèse de Québec ne ferait que s'inscrire à l'intérieur du lourd héritage de la «vieille capitale», au détriment de quartiers entiers. Aujourd'hui, nous pouvons constater que certains espaces, sous l'influence d'idéaux spécifiques, sont l'objets d'investissements de valeurs. Le bourg fortifié, dans la foulée de son classement, est l'objet d'une valorisation par des acteurs inscrits dans des trajectoires longues. Il est de ce fait de plus en plus un espace vide. Aussi, sous l'influence des discours environnementaux, le bassin de Québec serait en train d'émerger comme espace attractif, et ce, en concurrence avec les investissements récents dans le nouveau centre-ville. / According to tradition, the site for the construction of Québec was chosen by Samuel de Champlain for its defensive properties. Yet, while having no insight of the founder’s intentions, could it be that the above tradition preferred to investigate nature instead of investigating Champlain’s motives? This question constitutes the starting point of this research endeavor. It aims at understanding Québec from the very start of its morphogenesis resulting from a succession of actors influenced by the perceived landscape forms pre-invested with human values. Hence, the founding of Québec would have been the result of representation inputs of a symbolic nature to which echoed its promontary, considering that since Renaissance the location of certain actors could have been determined through the coincidence between symbolic forms ( ideals, models...) and the mental images as generated by the forms of the landscape. In this process, artists tend to unveil these coincidences. In that perspective, four actors have strongly inflected the morphogenesis of Québec. Champlain, notwithstanding his claims, would have been constrained to occupy a designated position, his «choice» for Québec resulting from a coincidence between his possible intuition of the ameridian geopolitics and the landscape forms suggesting the potential discontinuities created by this geopolitics. As seen by Montmagny, the Québec promontory evoqued the posture to which the Baroque individual pretended: his tendency to express his wholesomeness by his association with the stricking features of the landscape. But at the same time, other Baroque actors — the religious communities — invested the Québec promontory: an appropriative mimesis would have been amplified by a landscape able to suggest the social position of these actors. From this rivalry resulted the axial organisation of Québec which had and still has a strong incidence upon the spatial evolution of the agglomeration. The organization of the built form of Québec — faubourgs enclosing a centre — would have evoqued the romantic individualism, encouraging the (modern) bourgeoisies to occupy the fortified bourg; they wanted to destroy its walls, while Lord Dufferin insisted in conserving them. From then on, the morphogenesis of Québec took a new direction under the influence of a confusion between the individualistic ideal, the structured landscape of Québec and a central position undergoing a value change. Hence, the bourgeoisies were caught into a «landscape trap». Since then, the morphogenesis of Québec is still submitted to the constraining legacy of the «old Québec», creating prejudice to surrounding neighbourhoods. As a result, one can ascertain that today some portions of the agglomeration, under the influence of specific ideals, are subjected to new value investments. The fortified bourg, following its designation as a Heritage precinct (UNESCO), is subjected to a valorization process by actors set in long term trajectories; hence, it more and more becomes an “empty place”. Moreover, influenced by the environmental discourse, the walled City and its harbour seem to emerge as a space of attraction, this being in competition with the recent investments in the new CBD.

Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2004. / "A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy" Bibliography : leaves [361]-388.

La construction de l'autoroute Dufferin-Montmorency dans les années 70 et le projet actuel de prolongement de l'axe Du Vallon ont tous les deux soulevé des conflits mettant en cause la protection de l'environnement. Les enjeux, les rôles des acteurs et les ressources des personnes impliquées ont cependant changé d'un débat à l'autre. Le conflit sur le prolongement de l'axe Du Vallon a démontré que la ville de Québec veut dorénavant faire partie de la scène de décision dans l'implantation de telles infrastructures. S'ils n'ont pas bénéficié d'autant de ressources sociales que leurs compères 30 ans auparavant, les groupes écologistes de la région ont quant à eux gagné de l'expertise. Au-delà de ces changements produits par des contextes différents, il apparaît également possible de dégager un apprentissage collectif d'un conflit à l'autre. L'autoroute Dufferin-Montmorency a contribué à l'implantation du BAPE, mais aussi à l'accent mis sur la construction d'un boulevard urbain dans le projet Du Vallon.

Des recherches archéologiques menées à la terrasse Dufferin de Québec en 1982 ont mis au jour des vestiges de plusieurs ouvrages défensifs et de nombreux aménagements paysages qui se sont succédés sur le site depuis le XVIIe siècle. Les données stratigraphiques, architecturales, historiques et iconographiques ainsi que les renseignements fournis par l'analyse des artefacts et les macro-restes organiques nous permettent de reconstituer quatre phases distinctes dans l'évolution du site sur une période de trois siècles. Les témoins de la culture matérielle illustrant chacune des phases sont examinés en rapport avec les comportements relatifs à utilisation du site afin de différencier entre la fonction et l'usage de cet espace urbain. Les résultats de la micro-analyse des données archéologiques sont situés dans le contexte urbain de chaque époque pour mieux relier les événements marquant la création du paysage urbain au processus global d'urbanisation. / Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2013