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This paper is about the transformation of a society in a rural area among the Nyamwezi of West-Central Tanzania. It deals with the change of people’s attitudes toward themselves, their lives and the surrounding world, brought on by the introduction of ‘modern education’. The discussion evolves around the theories of education and the socializing role of schooling. The paper treats the issue whether the education provided is relevant in relation to local life, or only directed toward the realization of a radically new way of living.Further this paper debates the impact of modernization through institutions other than the schools, and the future of small communities in an increasingly globalized world.The issues in this paper are discussed from the perspective of young students in secondary schools and their parents. The background to the discussions throughout the paper is the secondary school itself,the educational system, the rural community and developing countries.

The phenomenon of the Internet, instant access to information from all over the world and interacting on social media has become a part of our daily lives. However in China, the media and the Internet is strictly controlled to suppress any opposition, thus limiting and violating the freedom of speech. Some argues that free media promotes democratic values, hence the purpose of this study has been to examine the impact that a free access to information could have on the Chinese society and how the influence of the Internet could impact the Chinese Communist party’s political power. The methodology for this study has been a single case study approach, and the collection of empirical data has been conducted by semi-structured interviews with scholars, NGO and government official. The conclusion was that the respondents had shared views on the level of influence that a free access to information on the Internet could have, however it was clearly indicated that it was important for promoting democracy. It was also concluded that the Chinese government has been able to stay in power due to suppression, economic development and to some extent legitimacy. The impact of a free Internet could have on the party’s political power depends on how well the government can convince the population that they politics is still legitimate and effective.

This paper evaluates the effectiveness of the U.S. nuclear weapons arsenal in covering security commitments with its foreign allies, particularly Japan. The U.S. has promised to defend allies all over the world with nuclear forces, and consequently has been forced into a delicate and precarious position. President Barack Obama wants to reach nuclear zero, which would make the world safe from nuclear destruction in the future; yet he also wants to provide security for allied nations in the present, using the
very weapons he has marked for destruction. And he is facing an aging Cold War-era nuclear arsenal that needs serious repairs and upgrades in order to remain a credible and capable deterrent. This paper argues that while the U.S nuclear posture up to this point has been satisfactory enough to prevent panic and ensure protection of Japan, the evolving nuclear posture from this point onward will strengthen the credibility of existing security commitments, deter potential attackers, and give Japan the confidence to become a more coordinated partner in the relationship. Components of the paper include the evolution of U.S. nuclear strategy and deterrence, the three historical occurrences of tensions between the U.S. and Japan over nuclear issues, and the current concerns and actions in the alliance today.

This study investigated a local aspect of theSwedish elementary school modernization process between the years 1871-1882.Previous studies have been drawn from the school inspectors own reports andshow that the schoolboards housed a negative and resentful attitude towardsreforms and the school inspectors often felt that the parish priests were moreinclined to changes than the schoolboards themselves.  Other research on elementary schoolmodernization has stressed the matching grants as a major cause of developmentand further establishment. In this study, however, a schoolboards own notes inthe form of meeting protocols during an eleven year period as well as a letterby a priest Erik Lundberg, Redogörelseför skolhusfrågan i Tierp dated 6 October 1880 were analyzed to see if theprevious explanation of school modernization, in particular with regard to thereluctance to change by the schoolboards goes to demonstrate and confirm. Theresults of this study have shown that even if the schoolboards do notimmediately follow the school inspectors instructions, it seems not primarilybeen due to resentment. Reforms within the school world are well known forbeing time-consuming but for the current period, as this study concerns andwithin this specific parish there were conflicts of interest which are notshown when only the inspector’s accounts and reports are examined. The late 1900thcentury was a time with a great deal of overwhelming and overthrowingreformations and changes witch challenged its previous social structuresthrough industrialization, urbanization and new political currents. Developmentand change occurs faster than news of it could travel, and it has been aninteresting journey to study these documents and to get a glimpse into how aschoolboard in a rural parish dealt with expansion and change.

This dissertation analyzes the politics of garbage in Oaxaca, Mexico. In particular, it explores the tactics used by a marginalized colonia near the dump to affect waste management and local development. This colonia provokes garbage crises by blocking the metropolitan areas access to its dump. As a result, garbage builds up in the city and public officials are forced to negotiate with colonia residents. I argue that two prior processes are essential to the success of this strategy. First, the mid-sized city in southern Mexico implemented many new waste management practices during the latter half of the 20th century and the first few years of the 21st in order to produce an image of a clean and modern city for residents and tourists. While the city tried to modernize by increasing the level of sanitation, a concomitant increase in consumerism meant that it was impossible for this clean and modern city to be produced on the ground. Nevertheless, these contradictory processes made cleanliness the marker of urban modernity. Therefore, garbage in the city can undermine the legitimacy of modern urban institutions, as it does in the case of the garbage crises. Second, a process of modern citizen-formation was underway wherein an association with garbage identified one as outsider. In this way, garbage crises are struggles over citizenship and belonging.

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This dissertation intends to undertake an analysis of one of the most deeply-rooted dichotomies in Turkey&rsquo / s political and cultural history, -the Islamist-Kemalist divide- through a cultural, interdisciplinary and gender-conscious approach. Both the Kemalist and the Islamist identities situate themselves vis-&agrave / -vis the Other, as if they were mutually exclusive entities. However, when and if these formulations are approached as culturally shaped discursive practices, it is also revealed that they operate with and within similarities, continuities and hybridities. Intellectuals on both sides derive their metaphors from a common cultural and rhetorical pool. The cultural analysis of seemingly opposite ideological positions in Turkish political transformation through the gender lens in general and masculinities in particular identifies the various sites of social power that exist in Turkish society today. The study pays particular attention to conceptualizations of masculinity and femininity accompanying Turkey&rsquo / s modernization. The relative newness of the subject matter, the interdisciplinary approach it necessitates, and the recentness of the theoretical literature and methodological applications, as well as the paucity of empirical work in the context of Turkey employing these parameters necessarily draws the limits of this work as well as showing for the multidisciplinary, &ldquo / unorthodox&rdquo / character of the approach. The study contends that such a cultural analysis of Turkish political transformation through the lens of gender in general and masculinities in particular might create a new epistemological terrain, one that goes beyond the current epistemologies mired in ontological dualities.

The purpose of my thesis was to counter Samuel Huntington’s argument that the world’s conflict is over differing civilizations, religions, or cultures. Whether or not religion is declining or growing, it cannot be used to portray the world in a 'cosmic war,' or a battle between 'good and evil'. Natural resources, not religions, rest at the basis for the Islamic fundamentalist and militant movement due to its response to the Western structural pressures that are modernizing Muslim societies. Oil and water become vital tools for exercising power and authority of one nation over another, and are identified as the true culprits for a conflict that is often furtively concealed.

This thesis examines late Ottoman discourses on the soul and emotions as reflected by a large corpus of psychological literature under the umbrella of ilm-i ahval-i ruh (the science of the states of the soul, psychology) in relation to the rise of the rhetoric concerning the 'new man' - an imaginary 'Ottoman individual' educated in 'new schools' to be in complete harmony with Ottoman modernization. It posits that the 'new man' was subjected to a process of design as a producing unit whether in possession of a soul or not, while the conceptual framework of the 'individual' was being formulated. The secondary literature on Ottoman modernization has illustrated intellectual efforts for designing the 'new man' in relation to the formation of national identity. In doing so it has focused on the process of indoctrination and the dissemination of normative accounts. Drawing on that literature, this thesis intends to complicate the picture and look beyond the normative accounts. By approaching the debate between materialism and spiritualism as a psychological argument and revolving the story around the metaphors of 'man as machine' and 'man as animal', it aims to display the influence of the scientific and technological changes that shaped the material as well as the intellectual culture these authors experienced. In an attempt to go beyond what lies beneath the national and religious underpinnings of the imagined 'new man', this thesis maintains a tight focus on the psychological writings of four intellectuals - all of whom gave serious thought to the debate about the soul: Abdullah Cevdet, Filibeli Ahmed Hilmi, Baha Tevfik, and Mustafa Şekip Tunç. By shifting the centre of focus of the rhetoric about the 'new man' from national or religious identity formation to the pressing concerns about economic and technological progress, it shows an Ottoman entanglement with science and technology and a deeper Ottoman inquiry into the conceptual framework of the individual. Accordingly it argues that the psychological literature on the soul and emotions bears testimony to the acute concern for how to integrate individuals into the frenzy of progressive discourses in the late Ottoman Empire. This concern constituted common ground among intellectuals from different backgrounds. Yet they held different understandings of the notion of progress and often gave different answers to deeper philosophical questions pertaining to the new man's soul, emotions, will, and relations with collective units. Such complexity demonstrates that multiple trajectories were possible before national identity formation took concrete forms in a much later context, and that transnational patterns of 'constructing the subjects' through psychological studies played an equally important role.