Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2015-12-17T09:57:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 cristianooliveiradesousa.pdf: 3825541 bytes, checksum: 124b239f6dcb195de4e7041f980c3494 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2015-12-17T11:13:12Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 cristianooliveiradesousa.pdf: 3825541 bytes, checksum: 124b239f6dcb195de4e7041f980c3494 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-12-17T11:13:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 cristianooliveiradesousa.pdf: 3825541 bytes, checksum: 124b239f6dcb195de4e7041f980c3494 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-28 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este estudo busca realizar uma análise dos homens que ocuparam os cargos da Mesa Administrativa da Venerável Ordem Terceira de São Francisco de Assis de Vila Rica, no período abarcado entre a primeira eleição de Mesa ocorrida em 1751, até o ano de 1804. Buscamos identificar quem eram os homens que constituíam a “elite dirigente” daquela instituição, procurando traçar um perfil prosopográfico destes homens, conjugado com a análise de suas trajetórias, tentando perceber sua participação em outras instituições que conferiam prestígio e poder naquela sociedade de Antigo Regime. Tentamos provar que a participação naquela instituição e principalmente a ocupação dos cargos dirigentes na Ordem Terceira de São Francisco de Assis funcionava como mais um dos critérios que auxiliavam na hierarquização social, conferindo prestígio e visibilidade, e funcionando como uma via de legitimação local em busca de ascensão social. / This study seeks to create an analysis of the men who were members of the Administrative “Mesa” of the Venerable Third Order of Saint Francis of Assisi from Vila Rica, in the period between the first elections of the “Mesa” which occurred in 1751 until the year of 1804. We seek the identification of the men who formed the ruling elite of that institution trying to create a prosopographic profile of those men, combined with the analysis of their trajectory, trying to observe their participation in other institutions which conferred prestige and power in that “old regime society”. We try to prove that the participation and especially the occupation of leading position in the Third Order of Saint Francis of Assisi worked as another criteria to help the social hierarchisation, offering prestige and visibility, and working as a way of local legitimization to achieve social ascension.

Cette thèse de doctorat s’attache à montrer que les vestiges archéologiques de terrain peuvent être interpréter socialement et à réviser une vision parfois superficielle de la stratification socio-économique des villages médiévaux. A partir de l’exemple de la fouille du hameau de Trainecourt (Grentheville - Calvados) où une maison « aristocratique » est installée au cœur de l’habitat groupé, ce projet a été centré sur le développement d’une méthode permettant d’approcher les élites villageoises dont nous percevons l’existence grâce aux sources textuelles mais qui n’ont que peu été abordées en archéologie médiévale.En employant une démarche comparatiste consistant à mettre en parallèle aussi bien les données archéologiques que les perspectives scientifiques anglaises et françaises, en adoptant le cadre théorique de la Social Archaeology, en étudiant de manière approfondie les processus sociaux (distinction, rapprochement, performance) exprimés au travers des pratiques de consommation se jouant dans l’habitat et en examinant des sites archéologiques élitaires (manoirs, maisons fortes, châteaux, etc.), nous avons réussi à établir une liste de trente-quatre marqueurs archéologiques révélant une identité sociale qui se distingue, regroupés en trois catégories : l’utilisation de l’espace, la morphologie de l’habitat et un style de vie spécifique. Ce référentiel a ensuite été comparé à des habitats ruraux (villages, hameaux, etc.) situés de part et d’autre de la Manche, afin de percevoir des éléments de stratification sociale. Au total, des unités élitaires ont été repérées dans sept villages ou hameaux et des hiérarchies socio-économiques élaborées pour une dizaine d’autres sites ruraux. / This PhD aims both at demonstrating that archaeological remains could and should be socially interpreted and at revising our - sometimes simplified - perspective on the socio-economic stratification of medieval villages. This project is based on the example of the excavations situated at Trainecourt (Grentheville - Calvados) where an “aristocratic” house had been established in the centre of the hamlet. Thus, a method has been developed to grasp village elites, of whom we know some details thanks to medieval written sources but who had hardly been studied in medieval archaeology.By using a comparative approach that draws a parallel between both French and English archaeological data and scientific perspectives; by adopting the theoretical frame offered by the Social Archaeology; by studying the social processes (the distinction, coming closer to, the performance) that are expressed by patterns of consumption in the settlement; by examining aristocratic sites (manor houses, moated sites, castles, etc.), we managed to establish a list of thirty-four archaeological indicators revealing an outstanding social identity. They are grouped in three categories: the use of space, the morphology of the settlement and a specific lifestyle. This repertoire was then compared to rural sites (villages, hamlets, etc.) situated on both sides of the Channel Sea, to emphasize some details of social stratification. As a whole, elite units have been spotted out in seven villages or hamlets and socio-economic hierarchies established for a dozen more.

Orientador: Maria Chaves Jardim / Banca: Ernesto Seidl / Banca: Gedeon Freire de Alencar / Banca: João Carlos Soares Zuin / Banca: Renata Medeiros Paoliello / Resumo: Esta pesquisa propõe o estudo dos conceitos de Trabalho, Campo e Mercado religiosos, dando atenção ao posicionamento da elite religiosa pertencente às Assembleias de Deus quanto a esses temas (no contexto mais geral do Brasil e em especial em Alagoas). Nesse sentido, será feita uma articulação que envolve produção simbólica, desigualdade social e relações sociais, no intuito de fundamentar o trabalho religioso como poder de consagração dado a alguns agentes, possibilitando o monopólio do serviço que prestam. Para a análise desses pontos, o método de pesquisa utilizado é baseado na Sociologia Relacional de Pierre Bourdieu e se desdobra em técnicas de pesquisa qualitativa que vão desde a aplicação da pesquisa de campo - por meio da objetivação participante e entrevistas com pastores e membros -, até a análise de dados estatísticos. A contribuição de um trabalho como este para o entendimento dos mecanismos que circulam as relações humanas é algo oportuno, visto que o monopólio da produção de bens religiosos e de salvação é uma forma estratégica de dominação simbólica, que tem fundamento na separação arbitrária entre produtores e consumidores de simbologia religiosa e na formação de uma elite que assume essa produção. É importante ressaltar que o problema de pesquisa que temos é a definição e defesa da autonomia do campo religioso, visando romper com a dicotomia entre idealismo e materialismo no estudo da religião. Isso possibilita ver a religião como campo no qual ocorre a crenç... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This research proposes the study of the concepts of religious Work, Field and Market, paying attention to the position of the religious elite belonging to the Assemblies of God regarding these themes (in the more general context of Brazil and especially in Alagoas). In this sense, an articulation involving symbolic production, social inequality and social relations will be made, in order to ground religious work as a power of consecration given to some agents, enabling the monopoly of the service they provide. For the analysis of these points, the research method used is based on Pierre Bourdieu's Relational Sociology and unfolds into qualitative research techniques ranging from the application of field research - through participatory objectification and interviews with pastors and members -, to the analysis of statistical data. The contribution of such work to the understanding of the mechanisms that circulate human relations is timely, since the monopoly of the production of religious goods and salvation is a strategic form of symbolic domination, based on the arbitrary separation between producers and consumers of religious symbolism and the formation of an elite that takes over this production. It is important to emphasize that the research problem we have is the definition and defense of the autonomy of the religious field, aiming to break the dichotomy between idealism and materialism in the study of religion. This makes it possible to see religion as a field in which ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

The Political and Military Elites in the Emirate of GranadaThe Political and Military Elites in the Emirate of GranadaThe Political and Military Elites in the Emirate of GranadaThe Political and Military Elites in the Emirate of Granada (Ph.D. thesis)(Ph.D. thesis)(Ph.D. thesis)(Ph.D. thesis) PhDr. Josef Ženka Abstract The Ph.D. thesis deals with the political elites in Granada and analyzes them as a social group within its own dynamics. It is focused on their influence on political decision-making process, which is expressed by the influence of elite on reigning Naṣrid dynasty. It examines the elite denomination in contemporary Arabic written sources, their links and delimitations. These were mainly common economic and power interests. On the basis of the ǧāh pyramid it focuses on each aspect: Sovereign as a source of legitimacy of political power, the vizier as a major counterpart to the ruler, the inner circle of emir in which was concentrated the remaining part of the political elite, and also the Naṣrid women. Vizier, as the most significant part of this group, was eventually transformed to the role of regent and ruler's public representative. From the early 14th century with his power he began to tie the sovereign's power itself and he took over it almost permanently in the 15th century. The emphasis...

This thesis addresses identity issues of the Ukrainian elites using two parallel Ukrainian narratives. In search for conflict lines, we look at 20th ct. milestones which played a major part in the formation of the Ukrainian elites. An emphasis is placed on the modernization of Ukrainian society in 1920s and 1930s. We also analyze the impact of these two Ukrainian narratives on the formation of the Soviet nation using strong historical ties between the Ukrainian and the Russian nation. These ties still have an impact on the formation of Ukrainian identities; however, the conclusion of this thesis suggests that it will be possible to assess the definite shape of the Ukrainian identity only after a new supranational identity - similar to the Soviet one - has been shaped. KEY WORDS: ELITES MODERNIZATION NARRATIVE IDENTITY RUSSIAN UKRAINIAN SOVIET

This thesis examines a new form of agency for change that has surfaced in rural areas of post-war Guatemala around the defence of territory and natural resources. I argue that this new form of agency emerges in the shadow of a state co-opted by elite factions and manifests distinct qualities from previous expressions of revolutionary and democratic activism. It is localised and characterised by varied aspects of what I call ‘difference’, an antagonistic stance based on locally embedded political, economic and cultural meanings which challenges the elite-promoted reordering of relationships and spaces. This ‘difference’ is enacted through the ‘defence of territory’, which expresses a socio-political and cultural attachment to particular physical spaces and has instigated collective resistances to the implementation of projects linked to the exploitation of natural resources. The thesis analyses this form of agency through two case studies, one among indigenous communities in the Northern Quiché, the second among primarily non-indigenous communities in the municipalities of San José del Golfo and San Pedro Ayampuc. As this research demonstrates, given the firm integration of conventional channels of democratic participation into the patterns of state co-option, the primary aim of these struggles is the re-appropriation of decision-making processes and the carving out of spaces, in which their ‘difference’ can evolve. In the context of a co-opted state, these local expressions of agency create spaces in which fragile, embryonic forms of collective interaction and deliberation that represent a condition for democratic processes, are kept alive. However, their non-linear articulations and specific local character are also a testament to the complexity of the construction of democratic processes in countries like Guatemala.

This dissertation examines the effectiveness and political support surrounding third-party interventions in civil wars, which have increased in frequency, type, and number of actors since the collapse of Cold War bipolarity. The existing literature has mainly examined the individual effects of third-party strategies, though the growing presence of concurrently occurring types of third-party interventions necessitates exploration of their interactive effects. Thus, this thesis seeks to understand different actions from multiple actors dependently rather than independently. Understanding the effectiveness of these strategies is only one step towards realizing whether third-party interventions are desirable. The motivation and the will of the actors responsible for the policy execution are crucial in realizing the full picture. The ubiquitous problem arising from the third-party interventions requires a multipronged methodological approach. This thesis, therefore, combines both observational and experimental data to explore this issue. While the primary results show that peacekeeping and mediation are the most effective and supported strategies of engagement, both effectiveness and support appear to be highly context-dependent. Further, this thesis surveys American public and political elites to delve into the determinants of support for third-party interventions. It nds that both the public and the political elite are sensitive to civilian casualties, yet in the face of a political rivalry these humanitarian concerns dissipate. Additionally, political elites are interested in ending hostilities only as long as their national security interests are at stake. By filling a gap in the literature, generating original data, and utilizing novel methodological approach, these results have underlined the need for improvement of policy decisions in the area of international confict management and, at the same time, build upon the new direction of research in the eld of confict dynamics.

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