The post-Cold War era has seen a restructuring of the institutions of global governance and an intensification of international relations, to which one of the most important responses has been a reinvigoration of regionalism and regionalisation. The proliferation of regionalism has led to increased relations between regional groups in different world regions, and the EU has been central to the development of this new interregional phenomenon. This thesis sets out to test the theory of interregionalism by looking at how the EU has strategically pursued interregionalism, and at how this has subsequently worked in practice. To best achieve this objective the thesis develops a more sophisticated framework of analysis; complex interregionalism. This framework allows for a detailed investigation of how the EU has simultaneously engaged in bilateral and interregional relations in Latin America. The thesis explores the tensions between interregionalism as a strategy and interregionalism in action, principally by drawing lessons from the EU's relations with Latin America, and Mercosur in particular. The most general foundation for this analysis is the study of International Political Economy (IPE), particularly the extensive literature on regional integration and the emerging literature that deals specifically with interregionalism. The thesis starts by presenting a comprehensive framework for analysis of interregional relations using the theory of interregionalism. The theory of interregionalism, ascribes a series of motivations and impacts that interregionalism. should exhibit, all of which are replicated in EU complex interregional strategy. The EU is found to have a consistent and coherent complex interregional strategy that it employs across three world regions: Asia, Africa and Latin America. The EU, notably the Commission, is pursuing an ambitious complex interregional strategy in each region that encompasses different levels of relations with different actors, but a strategy that always centers on the pursuit of pure interregionalism. Whilst the thesis details the EU's pursuit of this consistent complex interregional strategy with all three of the aforementioned world regions, it is the presence of the Andean Community, Central American Common Market and Mercosur in Latin America that marks the region out for deeper analysis. Complex interregional strategy in Latin America is applied consistently to all three regional integration vehicles, confirming the EU desire to pursue pure interregionalism, most notably with Mercosur. Analysis of EU relations with Mercosur reveals a core tension between strategy and action, notably that Commission strategy is not translated into action, as witnessed by the change towards bilateral relations with Brazil in 2007. The thesis finds that more important than the EU inability to translate strategy into action, is its inability to foster regional integration in its partners and encourage more coherent counterparts for the future pursuit of pure interregionalism.

Tandis que l’OMC éprouve des difficultés à réglementer le commerce, les nations expérimentent tous types d’accordssusceptibles de favoriser leur stratégie d’insertion internationale : bilatéraux, stratégiques, régionaux, de coopération,d’association, etc. Les États-unis et l’Union européenne sont en concurrence face au plus important marchélatino-américain, le Mercosud, lequel bénéficie désormais d’un contexte favorable l’autorisant à choisir ses partenaires. Depuis le rejet du projet de ZLEA, le jeu de séduction tourne à l’avantage de l’Europe qui a su proposer un projet plus complet incluant la coopération pour le développement, l’approfondissement du dialogue politique et la libéralisation deséchanges. L’ouverture de négociations en 1999 en vue de parvenir à un accord, dit d’association, entre les deux systèmesd’intégration régionale, symbolise l’apparition d’un concept nouveau : l’« interrégionalisme»Pourquoi 12 années de négociations n’ont-ellespas été suffisantes pour parvenir à unconsensus sur les termes de l’association ?L’acuité des dossiers, le nombre de paysimpliqués, le « noeud agricole, l’absence deconsultation du secteur privé, sont autantd’éléments à prendre en considération. Cetravail synthétise un processus de négociationcomplexe et présente la particularité d’inclurele secteur privé. En partant à la rencontre, desacteurs politiques et économiques, des deuxrégions, on observe que le secteur privén’occupe pas la place qui lui revient de droitdans ce projet. Il ne manque pas de le rappelerici et, ce faisant, interpelle l’Université sur lerôle qu’elle a à jouer dans l’évolution desrelations entre l’Europe et le Mercosud / In a global economic context where the WTO is losing momentum, nations experiment all sorts of agreements which are likely to help them implement their international integration strategies: bilateral, strategic, regional, cooperation, association agreements, etc. It results in a competition between the United States and the European Union to win the most important market in Latin America, Mercosur, which now enjoys a favourable context and can choose its partners. Since the Free TradeArea of the Americas project was rejected, the game of seduction benefits Europe for it has offered a more complete project including cooperation for development, a deeper political dialogue and a free trade area. Furthermore,the negotiations opened in 1999 with a view to getting to a so-called “association” agreement between the two regional integration systems, symbolise the emergence of a new concept: “interregionalism”Why were those 12 years of negotiation notsufficient to reach a consensus on the terms ofthe association?The complexity of the files, the number ofcountries involved, the agricultural issue andthe lack of consulting from the private sectorare all clues to be taken into consideration.The interest of this research lies in theperspective given by political and economicstakeholders from the two regions. Meetingthem and analysing their speeches helped meshow that the private sector has not beendirectly consulted at all during thenegotiations. In addition, the economicstakeholders have expressed their will to bepart of the process. The private sector alsocalled out the Universities, reminding the rolethey can play in the evolution of therelationship between the two regions.

This thesis addresses indigenous groups agency in trade governance to enhance their ability to affect international decision-making that benefits their capability to sustainable development. It conducts a case study of Articulation of Indigenous People Brazil (APIB) in the EU-Mercosur Agreement and utilizes Eimers (2020) theory of subaltern social movement theory to establish: what strategies the APIB have used in the decision-making processes of the “Mercosur Agreement?  This theory allows consideration of indigenous agency and the effect of post-colonial structures on their capability to keep control over their realties. To collect data on this topic the author uses qualitative semi-structured interviews and qualitative thematic text analysis. The thesis finds that framing strategies of claims enabled alliance-building in Brazil and Transnational Advocacy Coalitions, which used international norms to enhance indigenous interests. However, has post-colonial structures hindered APIB´s ability to enhance interest in Brazil and silenced indigenous interests in governmental representation in the making of the EU-Mercosur.

La contribution des changements d’usage des sols aux émissions de gaz à effet de serre d’origine anthropique est estimée à 17% pour la décennie 2000, en grande partie liée à la déforestation. L’un des facteurs principaux de ces changements est l’expansion des terres agricoles pour les besoins locaux de développement, mais également sous l’effet des exportations stimulées par la mondialisation. Pour cette raison, des préoccupations nouvelles surgissent quant aux effets des politiques sur l’usage des sols par le biais des marchés internationaux. Ce travail présente trois illustrations concrètes où ces effets peuvent être d’ampleur conséquente : i) l’intensification de l’agriculture dans les pays en voie de développement, ii) les accords commerciaux, et iii) les politiques d’agrocarburants. Les résultats montrent que pour chacune de ces politiques, les réponses des marchés sont susceptibles de jouer un rôle déterminant dans le bilan des gaz à effet de serre. L’atténuation du changement climatique par l’intensification des cultures conduit à des réductions d’émissions, mais l’effet rebond de la demande pourrait annuler une part substantielle des bénéfices attendus sur les surfaces de terres cultivées. L’exemple d’un possible accord entre l’Union européenne et le Mercosur montre les effets négatifs que peut induire la libéralisation de certains produits agricoles, si des mesures d’accompagnement adéquates ne sont pas mises en place. Enfin, l’effet des changements indirects d’affectation des sols est susceptible d’effacer une part substantielle des réductions d’émissions alléguées aux agrocarburants. Les réponses de l’affectation des sols aux différentes politiques dépendent néanmoins de nombreux paramètres comportementaux, et il est difficile d’en fournir une estimation chiffrée précise. Plusieurs approches de modélisation sont utilisées ici pour quantifier ces effets et explorer les intervalles de confiance découlant des estimations actuelles de la littérature économétrique. La prise en compte de cette externalité dans l’évaluation des politiques publiques nécessite des approches nouvelles intégrant mieux les différents niveaux d’incertitude sur ces effets. / Land use change is estimated to have generated 17% of anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions in the 2000s, a large part coming from deforestation. The main driver of these emissions is expansion of agricultural activities, for the need of local development in tropical regions. However, they have also been caused by the dynamics of globalisation which has stimulated agricultural trade flows. Thus, today, there are new concerns with respect to how agricultural policies are influencing land use changes in other parts of the world through international market responses. In this work I consider three concrete illustrations of where these effects can be of significant magnitude: i) agriculture intensification in developing countries, ii) trade agreements, and iii) biofuel policies. I find that for each of these policies, market responses are likely to play a significant role in the final greenhouse gas emission balance. Mitigation of emissions through agricultural intensification could have quite beneficial outcomes, but the rebound effect on the demand side would offset a large part of greenhouse gas emission savings attributable to the land sparing effect. With the example of a possible EU-MERCOSUR trade agreement, I also show the adverse effect of liberalising certain specific agricultural products closely connected to land use change dynamics without adequate accompanying measures. Last, the indirect land use change effect of biofuels is likely to offset a large part of their alleged GHG emission savings. Land use change responses depend on many behavioural parameters, however, and providing precise estimates constitutes a challenge. I use different modelling approaches to quantify their magnitude and extensively explore the level of confidence on the basis of current state of econometric findings.New approaches should be elaborated to take account of this externality in public policy assessments, together with an appropriate consideration of the uncertainty ranges associated with these effects.