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Foreign aid, trade and development: analysis of the past, prospects for the futureAvny, Amos Ben 24 October 2005 (has links)
This dissertation addresses U.S. foreign aid as a policy problem and examines new avenues for future aid strategies. Contemporary scholars call for shifting the paradigm of world politics from power to a more economicoriented policy of "Cooperative Capitalism." They call to base US foreign policy on a system of "Global Partnership." In that vein this study argues that future aid policy should be reshaped and carried out as a comprehensive strategy that incorporates trade and aid activities. Such a policy will meet better American domestic and global interests.
The dissertation examines aid and trade policies, the linkages between them, and their effect on LOCs' economic growth. The inquiry, conducted as a multiple case study, analyzes past and contemporary documentation concerning u.s. aid and foreign trade activities from 1945 to 1990. / Ph. D.
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Economic sanctions : an effective tool of foreign policyWainer, Gwen 01 January 2000 (has links)
As the economy of the international community becomes consistently more integrated, states and international organizations often look toward economic methods to serve as alternative policy options in resolving international disputes. The past decade has seen a dramatic increase in the use of economic sanctions as a tool of foreign policy. The increase in the number of economic sanction regimes and the question of their efficacy in achieving political goals has become a key issue for policymakers and political analysts. Statistical research based upon case studies reports that sanctions are often limited in achieving primary foreign policy goals. Why then, if sanctions are commonly reported to be unsuccessful in achieving their primary political objectives do policymakers continue to use them at such a high rate? The purpose of the study is to show that the traditional criteria for defining success has been too narrow. Success has often been determined by compliance with immediate primary goals. The thesis will argue that economic sanctions are effective in achieving important secondary goals such as signaling or bargaining incentives, and therefore may have a higher success rate than previously assumed.
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An analysis of the actor-oriented approach as tool in international development cooperationBosman, Willem 30 June 2004 (has links)
No abstract available / Development Studies / D.Admin.
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The economic diplomacy of a small state : the case of NamibiaMushelenga, Peya 03 1900 (has links)
This study is about the economic diplomacy of Namibia, as a small state, for the period 1990 – 2015. Liberalism, as a theory of International Relations (IR) studies, is the adopted analytical framework. Namibia’s economic diplomacy is anchored in the foreign policy principles enshrined in article 96 of her constitution, which advocate, inter alia, the maintenance of mutual beneficial relations. Namibia, further enacted laws and adopted policies that serve as domestic instruments of economic diplomacy. The stakeholders in Namibia’s economic diplomacy include both state and non-state actors.
The study adopts a population of 8 million as the benchmark for small states, plus one of the following characteristics of small states: small size of the territory; low economy and the perception by the government leaders and nationals.
Namibia’s bilateral economic diplomacy covers over one hundred countries. Her major trade partners, in terms of export trade and inward investments are Angola, Canada, China, Germany, The Netherlands, Spain, South Africa, Switzerland, The United Kingdom and the United States. Bilateral economic diplomacy is further pursued through the Export Processing Zone (EPZ) exports.
The Namibian Government pursues multilateral economic diplomacy with the European Union, as part of the Africa Caribbean Pacific states and with regional and international economic and trade organisations such as the Southern Africa Customs Union, the
Southern Africa Development Community, the United Nations Conference in Trade and Development and the World Trade Organisation. Namibia also adopts conference diplomacy as a form of multilateral economic diplomacy.
The study makes an epistemological contribution to the study of IR, that the world is constructed under the hierarchical order that constrains power-based relations and minimises conflicts in international trade. A minimal trend of pursuing interests is, however, observed. The study further makes an ontological contribution to the study of IR, that the behaviour of state and non-state actors are inclined to cooperation on the continuum of conflict and cooperation.
The study concludes that, contrary to the assumptions in small states literature, that small states have limitations of capacity and play an insignificant role in multilateralism, Namibia has skilled negotiators who have led negotiations in regional and international organisations. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)
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Is the US Farm Bill undermining the objective of AGOA?Conradie, C. F. G. 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates both the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) that was
signed into US law in May 2000 and the subsequent US Farm Bill, signed in May 2002.
AGOA is a temporary, non-negotiated, non-reciprocal law by the USA to allow dutyfree
and quota-free access to almost all products produced in Sub-Saharan Africa
(SSA). Many people in SSA are dependant on agriculture to provide employment and
livelihood. In the agricultural sector The Farm Bill is a unilateral law by the USA
granting enormous subsidies to its farmers for a wide variety of products. It is the
purpose of this study to investigate both these laws and to determine whether or not
the Farm Bill undermines the objectives of AGOA.
AGOA was studied and the real reasons for US interest in SSA determined. The main
reason found for the inception of AGOA was US interest in the oil resources of SSA as
well as other commodities like precious metals and textiles. The USA is also
interested in SSA to find new markets for its own products as it can produce far more
food and fibre than it can utilise in its domestic market. The study investigated the
potential benefits of AGOA for SSA as well as the real benefits that were realised in
the first two and a half years since its inception. It was found in the study that the real
benefits were far less than the potential benefits and several reasons are offered for
this phenomenon. The trade data between the USA and SSA was analysed to
determine the effect of AGOA on trade and the major products traded. It was found
that by far the largest product group was in the petroleum sector.
The Farm Bill was investigated to determine the provisions of the Bill, the products
involved and the conditions for subsidy payments. The payments include direct
payments, counter-cyclical payments and marketing loan gains or loan deficiency
payments. The detail of the calculation methods for the payments and a sample
calculation of the subsidies are given, other provisions of the Farm Bill that apply to
specific commodities like sugar and dairy products are also listed as these are
important commodities for SSA. The Farm Bill was investigated in terms of AGOA and
it was found in the study that the Farm Bill does indeed undermine the objectives of
AGOA by reducing commodity prices.
Both AGOA and the Farm Bill were further investigated in the context of the World
Trade Organisation (WTO) to determine their consistency with the rules of the WTO. It
was found that AGOA is consistent with the WTO rules, but the subsidies of the Farm
Bill are trade distorting and therefore not consistent with these rules. There is a WTO
limit set for the US support programmes and it is expected that the payments would
exceed the limit during times of low commodity prices. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie word beide die 'African Growth and Opportunity Act' (AGOA) wat in
Mei 2000 deel van die Amerikaanse wetgewing geword het sowel as die
daaropvolgende 'US Farm Bill' wat in Mei 2002 goedgekeur is, ondersoek. AGOA is 'n
tydelike, eensydige, nie-wederkerige wet deur Amerika wat tariefvrye en kwotavrye
toegang tot die Amerikaanse mark toelaat vir bykans alle produkte wat in Afrika Suid
van die Sahara (SSA) geproduseer word. Baie mense in SSA is afhanklik van landbou
vir werk om vir hulle families te kan sorg. Dit is juis in die landbousektor waar Amerika
die 'Farm Bill' as eensydige wet goedgekeur het wat enorme landbousubsidies vir 'n
wye reeks produkte aan sy boere toeken. Die doel van die studie is om beide hierdie
wette te ondersoek en vas te stel of die 'Farm Bill' die doelwitte van AGOA ondermyn,
al dan nie.
AGOA is eerste ondersoek en die werklike redes vir Amerika se belangstelling in SSA
is bepaal. Daar is bevind dat die hoofrede vir die ontstaan van AGOA die strategiese
belangstelling van Amerika in SSA se olie en ander kommoditeite soos edelmetale en
tekstiele is. Amerika stel ook belang in SSA om nuwe markte te vind vir sy eie
produkte omdat Amerika baie meer voedsel en vesel kan produseer as wat sy
plaaslike mark kan absorbeer. Die studie het die potensiele voordele van AGOA vir
SSA asook die werklike voordele wat in die eerste twee en 'n half jaar gerealiseer het,
ondersoek. Die studie het getoon dat die werklike voordele baie minder as die
potensiele voordele was en verskeie redes word vir die verskynsel aangevoer. Die
handelsdata tussen Amerika en SSA is ondersoek om die effek van AGOA op handel
asook die hoofhandelsprodukte vas te stel. Die data het getoon dat by verre die
grootste produkgroep wat verhandel is, olie en verwante petroleumprodukte is.
Die 'Farm Bill' is ondersoek om die bepalings van die wet vas te stel, watter produkte
betrokke is en onder watter voorwaardes subsidiebetalings van toepassing is. Hierdie
betalings sluit direkte betalings aan boere, wederkerige betalings en
bemarkingslenings in. Die detail van die berekeningsmetodes van die verskillende
dele van die subsidies asook 'n voorbeeld-berekening word getoon. Ander bepalings
van die wetgewing wat van toepassing is op spesifieke kommoditeite soos suiker en
suiwel word ook gelys omdat hierdie produkte baie belangrik vir SSA is. Die 'Farm Bill'
is ook met betrekking tot AGOA ondersoek en daar is getoon dat die 'Farm Bill'
inderdaad die doelwitte van AGOA ondermyn deur die pryse van kommoditeite te laat
daal.
Beide AGOA en die 'Farm Bill' is verder ondersoek in die konteks van die Wereldhandelsorganisasie
(WHO) om vas te stel of elkeen van hierdie wette voldoen aan die
handelsreels van die WHO. Daar is bevind dat AGOA wel voldoen aan die WHO reels, maar dat die subsidies van die 'Farm Bill' handel verwring en daarom nie
voldoen aan die vereistes van die WHO nie. Daar bestaan 'n WHO-beperking vir
Amerika op die hoeveelheid ondersteuning wat aan die boere toegestaan mag word en
daar word verwag dat die beperking oorskry kan word in tye van lae
kommoditeitspryse.
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Strenghts and weaknesses of AGOA from a Southern African point of view and lessons to be learnt for future trade agreementsKlopper, Annette 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study sets out to analyse the trade performance of the African Growth and Opportunity
Act (AGOA) to determine the lessons that can be learnt from it strengths and weaknesses with
the purpose to assist future trade negotiations - and specifically the current free trade
negotiations between the United States of America (USA) and the Southern Africa Customs
Union (SACU).
A short overview of AGOA's content is given with specific reference to the many rules and
regulations governing the arrangement. AGOA's trade performance over the past four years
is analysed by country and sector to determine the main recipients of its benefits with specific
attention to the performance of SACU countries. AGOA's strengths and opportunities are
discussed by looking at the impact that AGOA had on investment and job creation in
Southern Africa. The study takes a closer look at new markets that benefited from AGOA
and how well SACU made use of the non-reciprocal nature of AGOA by looking at the trade
balance with the USA.
The weaknesses of AGOA are analysed by looking at its nature - the fact that it is a nonnegotiated
arrangement with benefits that can be terminated at any point. The failure of
AGOA to address non-tariff barriers is discussed by looking at the impact of subsidies,
quotas, threat of anti-dumping actions and its restrictive rules and regulations. The
unsustainability of the substantial growth that the clothing and textile industries experienced
under AGOA is considered by looking at the Multi-Fibre Agreement and the impact that its
termination had up to now on especially SACU countries. The analysis of AGOA's trade
performance highlighted the fact that only a few countries and products benefited from
AGOA. The study deliberates AGOA's failure to liberalise Southern Africa's exports.
The knowledge gained by analysing AGOA, its trade performance with specifically SACU,
and its strengths and weaknesses are applied by looking at the current US free trade proposal
with SACU. The study looks at the motivations for the free trade agreement from both a US
and SACU point of view and continues to analyse the content of the proposed agreement.
The analysis includes the various problem areas within the proposed agreement as well as the
potential benefits that such an agreement can bring about. The study concludes with a summary of the lessons learnt from AGOA and how they apply to the proposed US free trade
agreement as well as future trade negotiations. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om die resultate van die "African Growth and Opportunity Act" (AGOA)
oor die afgelope vier jaar te ontleed met die doel om die sterk en swakpunte van die
handelsverdrag te beklemtoon as basis vir toekomstige handelsooreenkomste. Daar word
spesifiek verwys na die handelsooreenkoms wat tans beding word tussen die Verenigde State
van Amerika (VSA) en die "South African Customs Union" (SACU).
Die studie gee 'n kort opsomming van die inhoud van AGOA met spesifieke verwysing na die
verskeie reëls en regulasies wat die ooreenkoms onderskryf. Die resultate van die afgelope
vier jaar word ontleed per land en sektor om vas te stel watter lande en produkte die meeste
voordeel getrek het onder AGOA. Weereens word daar spesifiek na SACU se resultate
verwys. AGOA se sterkpunte word bespreek deur na die impak te kyk op investering en
werkskepping in Suider Afrika. Die studie kyk na nuwe marksgeleenthede wat voordeel
getrek het onder AGOA. Daar word ook gekyk hoe goed SACU van die nie-wederkerige
natuur van AGOA gebruik gemaak het deur te verwys na die handelsbalans tussen SACU en
die VSA.
Die swakpunte van AGOA word bespreek deur te kyk na AGOA se inherente kenmerke,
byvoorbeeld dat die "ooreenkoms" nie onderhandel is nie en dat voordele te enige tyd
opgeskort mag word. Daar word ook gekyk na AGOA se gebrek om nie-tarief gedrewe
handelsstruikelblokke in die vorm van subsidies, kwotas, die bedreiging van aksies teen
handelsstorting en die impak van die vele reëls en regulasies aan te spreek. Die
onvolhoubaarheid van groei binne die tekstiel en kledingsbedryf (wat merkbare sukses onder
AGOA bereik het) as gevolg van die terminasie van die "Multi-Fibre Agreement" word
bespreek - met spesifieke verwysing na die impak op Suider Afrika. Die analise van AGOA
se handelsresultate het uitgewys dat slegs 'n handjie-vol lande en produkte by AGOA baat
gevind het. Die studie oorweeg die moontlike redes wat gelei het tot hierdie verskynsel.
Die kennis wat opgedoen is deur na AGOA se handelsresultate te kyk, asook sy sterk- en
swakpunte te ontleed, word aangewend deur na die huidige VS handelsooreenkoms met
SACU the kyk. Die studie oorweeg die motiverings vir so 'n handelsooreenkoms van beide
'n VS en SACU oogpunt en maak ook 'n ontleding van die inhoud van die ooreenkoms. Die
ontleding kyk nie net na die verskeie probleme wat na vore kom nie maar ook na die voordele wat SACU te beurt kan val as gevolg van die oorkoms. Die studie sluit af deur 'n opsomming
te maak van die lesse wat geleer is deur die ontleding van AGOA en hoe dit van toepassing is
op die huidige VS ooreenkoms asook toekomstige ooreenkomste.
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The trade and development agreement between SA and the EU : implications for SACUBurger, Pieter Francois Theron 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / The Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) will create competitive
challenges, threats and opportunities, driving out less efficient performers while bolstering
more efficient enterprises and industries. This is in line with the general principles of the
World Trade Organisation (WTO) which promotes the reduction of trade barriers in order to
liberate trade on a global basis. This dynamic process of adjustments will continue
throughout the implementation of the European Union - South Africa Free Trade Agreement
( EU-SA FTA) which is the main component of the TDCA.
The European Union (EU) has historically been Southern Africa's most important trading
partner. The main reason why South Africa entered into a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with
the EU was to enhance exports to South Africa's largest export market, attract higher levels
of investment from the EU, and gradually expose the South African industry to competition to
ensure that it is restructured to become globally competitive.
Since 1910 South Africa has been part of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU),
which also comprises Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland (BlNS). The EU-SA FTA
will accordingly impact on trade relations between South Africa, the EU and the BLNS
countries. Not only will SACU face increased competition from cheaper EU imports, but
BLNS countries will also face reduced income from the common revenue pool.
South Africa will have to remove a higher level of tariffs from a greater volume of imports
than is the case for the EU. For the BLNS, the relative adjustment effort is even greater.
The BLNS will have to adjust to the elimination of tariffs on 30% of goods currently imported
from the EU, while the TDCA will bring about no improvement in their current terms of access
to the EU market.
The BLNS products currently exported to the EU which are most likely to be affected by the
EU-SA FTA are: clothing (Lesotho), preserved fish and flowers (Namibia), and grapefruit,
processed pineapples, corned fruit and grapes (Swaziland). These products are under threat
from South African products which can, as a result of the FTA, be exported to the EU at
reduced tariffs. BLNS products which could be affected as a result of cheaper EU imports are: grain
(Botswana, Namibia and Lesotho), chicken production (Swaziland), sugar (Swaziland), beef
(Namibia and Botswana), and the small wheat-farming sector in Namibia and Botswana.
The EU-SA FTA is further likely to have a substantial impact on South Africa's exports to the
EU. The total increase in exports as a result of the FTA is estimated between 1.3% and
1.4% of the 1996 value of South Africa's exports to the EU. The main drive will come from
industrial products which are less protected than agricultural products. The South African
government, further, concluded that the negative effects of the direct costs to SACU would
be outweighed, in the long term, by the dynamic and geopolitical benefits of an FTA with the
EU.
The signal that the South African government has given with signing the TDCA with the EU
indicates that the Southern African economy should restructure itself to become
internationally competitive. This is the only way to survive in a global trade arena which is
under WTO principles becoming increasïngly more liberated.
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China in Africa: The use of soft power and its implications for a global peaceful riseKokkinos, Stephanie Helen 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Soft power is more relevant now than ever before. In fact, in the current world system
it has become an important element in exercising state power and mapping out
leadership strategies. This assignment attempts to analyse the use of soft power as a
post-Cold War foreign policy strategy on the part of China. Chinese relations with the
African continent are assessed to prove the increasing rate at which China has
expended trade and diplomatic relations in the past two decades, and to determine the
degree to which soft power is contributing to China’s prospects of a harmonious rise
to a position of global power.
China’s foreign policy is ideologically underpinned by nationalism and confucianism.
This stance is based on the need to protect and promote the economic and social
stability of the state, as well as to secure a sound diplomatic identity in the
international arena. For this reason, China has expanded economic interests abroad,
particularly, looking upon Africa as a source of mutual development and investement,
economic cooperation and an enhanced network for trade. This has lead to the growth
of ‘soft’ ties between the Chinese nation and many African states, through the
provision of aid, diplomatic cooperation on policy issues and the sharing of cultural
values and institutional norms. In this way, China has been able to promote the
perception of a peaceful rise to power and make a valuable contribution to the
Chinese goal of constructing a harmonious world.
Concluding a thorough analysis of China’s foreign policy behaviour it is determined
that China-Africa relations are based, at least in part, on soft power, as a means to
gain increased international influence. This is contended by the likeness between the
behaviour advocated by soft power theory and that of Chinese interaction with
African states. Furthermore, this partnership can be understood as a potential global
shift towards multilateralism and the belief in an emerging international order that
organised by regionalised powers that cooperate with each other on international
platforms. The theory of constructivism, particularly its emaphasis on the roles of
ideas, identities and institutions, is a valuable perspective to consider in approaching
this discussion of China as a peacefully emerging global power. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: ‘Sagtemag’ is nou meer relevante vandag as ooit tevore. Dit is inderdaad ‘n
belangrike element in die uitoefening van staat mag en leierskap strategieë in die
huidige wêreld. Hierdie werkstuk poog om die gebruik van sagte mag te ontleed as ‘n
buitelandse beleid strategie op die deel van Sjina sedert die einde van die Koue
Oorlog. Sjinese verhoudings met Arika word geassesseer om te bewys die
toenemende tempo waarteen diplomatieke betrekkinge in die afgelope twee dekades
bestee het, en die graad aan wat sagte mag dra Sjina se vooruitsigte van ‘n
harmonieuse aanleiding tot wêreld mag te bepaal.
Sjina se buitelandse beleid is ideologies ondersteun deur nasionalisme en
Confucianisme. Hierdie standpunt is gebaseer op die behoefte om die ekonomiese
stabiliteit van die staat te beskerm en om ‘n gesonde diplomatieke indentiteit te
verseker op ‘n internasionale vlak. Om hierdie rede het Sjina uigebrei om die
ekonomiese belange in die buiteland, veral op soek op die Afrika-vasteland as ‘n bron
van wedersydse ontwikkeling en belegging, ekonomiese samewerking en ‘n groter
handelsmerk netwerk. Dit het gelei tot die groei van die ‘sagte’ bande tussen Sjina en
baie Afrika-lande, deur die voorsiening van fonds, diplomatieke samewerking oor
beleidskwessies en die deel van kulturele waardes en institusionele norme. Op hierdie
manier het Sjina die persepsie van ‘n vreedsame opkoms by wêreld mag te bevorder
en ‘n waardevolle bydrae tot die Sjinese doel vir ‘n ‘Harmonious World’ te bou.
Die sluiting van ‘n deeglike ontleding van Sjina se buitelandse beleid word bepaal dat
Sjina-Afrika verhoudings is op sagtemag gebou om ‘n verhoogde internaionale
invloed te kry. Dit is aangevoer deur die gelykenis tussen sagtemag teorie en die
gedrag wat bepleit word deur Sjinese interaksie met Afrika-lande. Verder kan hierdie
vennootskap verstaan word as ‘n moontlike globale verskuiwing na multilateralisme
en die potensiële van ‘n nuwe internationale bestel wat gereël is deur regionalisering
magte. Konstruktivisme, veral die teorie se nadruk op die rolle van idees, indentiteite
en instellings, is ook ‘n waardevolle perspektief te oorweeg in die nader van heirdie
bespreking van Sjina as ‘n vreedsame wyse opkomende wêreld mag.
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A regional economic partnership agreement between SADC and the European Union within the Cotonou framework : opportunities and challenges for the political economy of regional integration in SADCHengari, Alfredo Tjiurimo 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the most notable features of the relations between the European Union and
SADC is the current reconfiguration of their trading architecture as encapsulated in
the Cotonou Agreement. Such a process of change can be shown to have inevitably
been the result of policy shifts, which are salient characteristics of a global political
economy, whose ontology is embedded theoretically in neo-liberalism. Nevertheless,
any process of change in the structure of global trading relations has the logical
outcome of systemically imposing either challenges or opportunities, and in some
cases both, on the participants of that structure.
This study represents a scholarly attempt at creating a lucid and descriptive
embodiment of the challenges and opportunities involved for SADC in the negotiation
and implementation of a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement (REPA) with the
European Union. These challenges and opportunities, obligatory within a REPA
framework are theoretically pronounced in as far as they shape the political economy
of regional integration in SADe. The process of negotiating such a multifaceted
agreement with a sophisticated partner, calls for institutional and negotiating
capacity. Undoubtedly, such capacity is beyond the membership of SADe. The point
is also emphasized that the process of trade liberalization, ingrained in a REPA will
create a complex and difficult interface with the current SADC initiatives underway to
deepen regional integration. Tellingly, these would contradict the cautious
developmental and bottom up approach taken by SADC in its drive for regional
integration.
Conversely, this study concedes that a REPA with the EU holds a number of novel
opportunities for SADC because such a process would provide scope for the
fundamental restructuring of the SADC economies. The competitive pressures
through decreased levels of protection within a REPA can create an upward
convergence of low performing industries in the region. These, amongst others are
important aspects if the political economy of SADC is to move into a virtuous cycle of
deeper integration and ultimate insertion in the global economy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van die mees opvallende kenmerke van verhoudinge tussen die Europese Unie
(EU) en Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) is die huidige
rekonjigurasie van handelsbetrekkinge, soos vervat in die Cotonou Ooreenkoms.
Hierdie proses is die onafwendbare gevolg van beleidsveranderinge in die
internasionale politieke ekonomie, met 'n. ontologie wat teoreties in neo-liberalisme
gewortel is. Sodanige veranderinge in die struktuur van internasionale
handelsverhoudinge. bied uitdagings sowel as geleenthede, en soms beide, aan
deelnemers van sodanige struktuur.
Hierdie studie is 'n akademiese poging om 'n helder en deskriptiewe blik te werp op
die uitdagings en geleenthede vir die SAOG met betrekking tot die onderhandeling en
implimentering van die Regionale Ekonomiese Venootskapsooreenkoms (REVO) met
die EU Hierdie uitdagings en geleenthede, wat verpligtend is binne die REVO
struktuur, is teoreties belangrik in soverre as wat dit die politeke ekonomie van
regionale integrasie in SADC beinvloed. Die onderhandelingsproses van so 'n
komplekse dokument met gesofistikeerde vennote vereis intitusionele en
onderhandelingskapasiteit. Hierdie kapasiteit is nie in SAOG te vinde nie. Die punt
word ook benadruk dat die proses van handelsliberalisering, wat deel uitmaak van
REVO, botsend kan wees met SAOG inisiatiewe om regionale integrasie te versterk.
In essensie sal dit die huiwerige ontwikkelings en 'onder na ba' benadering, wat die
SAOG tans volg, weerspreek.
Aan die ander kant, gee die studie toe dat 'n REVO met die EU 'n hele aantal
voordele inhou, aangesien so 'n proses momentum kan voorsien vir verreikende
herstrukturering van SAOG ekonomieë. Die kompeterende druk a.g. v. 'n afname in
beskermingsvlakke onder die REVO, kan lei tot 'n opwaartse neiging onder
tradisionele swakpresterende nywerhede in die streek. Hierdie is onder andere
belangrike aspekte wat SADC in gedagte moet hou, ten einde deel te word van die
deugsame kringloop van dieper integrasie, en uiteindelike deelwording van die
internasionale ekonomie.
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Exploring South-South relations : the case of SADC and MercosurWhite, Lyal 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores inter-regional relations between SADC and Mercosur. The central
problem posed at the outset is "Why should relations between SADC and Mercosur be
pursued?" In this problem there exists two separate questions, each one dealing with the
regions at hand. The first question asks whether Mercosur is a viable partner in the global
political economy and if so, "What possible options are made available through a
partnership with Mercosur in the future?" The second question focuses on the Southern
African region and addresses concerns surrounding SADC as Mercosur's option for a
partner in Africa.
These problems are analysed in the context of the global political economy from the
perspective of regionalisation, considering the increased interest and attention this
phenomenon is currently receiving in international relations. This study therefore
addresses both bilateral and multilateral implications associated with SADC-Mercosur
relations, with the importance of market liberalisation as well as the effects of regional
integration on the process of globalisation kept in mind.
A descriptive and analytical approach is employed throughout the study. This
methodology provides a concise description of both regions. It also allows the study and
research to take place on different levels of analysis, looking at the problem from a
country-to-country, country-to-region and region-to-region perspective. These levels are
extended to include bilateral and multilateral opportunities for the parties involved.
In applying this descriptive methodology various characteristics and attributes of each
region are looked at, identifying benefits a regional bloc like Mercosur holds in terms of
market size and level of regional development. Various other areas are studied, which
explores possible future opportunities for both SA DC and Mercosur through improved
south-south co-operation. Statistical data is used to further illustrate certain arguments
raised and findings made.
The study clearly reveals a broad number of benefits available through enhanced SADCMercosur
relations. Mercosur holds an immense amount of future potential that would be
of great importance in maintaining a sustainable position for developing economies in the
future. There are however a number of difficulties too. These emanate primarily from
SADC and therefore cast a great deal of doubt on SADC's ability to enter into a
partnership with Mercosur. Considering the current situation, a more viable option would
be SACU. But this option should be pursued with the intention of bringing the rest of
SADC on board in the not too distant future. SADC's shear size and status in Southern
Africa is a drawing card in developing south-south co-operation. It would be ideal to
develop relations between SADC and Mercosur in a truly inter-regional fashion and
possibly even a transatlantic FTA further down the line. This is a vision that should
always be on the agenda when pursuing relations with Mercosur. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die inter-streeksverhouding tussen SADC en Mercosur. Vanuit
die staanspoor word die vraag, "Waarom behoort verhouding tussen SADC en Mercosur
nagestreefte word?" gevra. Die studie spreek binne hierdie verband met twee sub-vrae.
Die eerste vraag vra of Mercosur 'n lewensvatbare vennoot in the globale politieke
ekonornie is en indien weI, "Watter opsies word vir die toekoms gegenereer deur 'n
vennootskap met Mercosur." Die tweede vraag fokus op Suidelike Afrika en spreek
kwessies rakende SADC as Mercosur se keuse vir 'n vennoot in Afrika aan.
Binne die konteks van die globale politieke ekonomie word bogenoemde probleme vanuit
'n streeksperspektief geanaliseer, gegewe die toenemende aandag wat die regionalisasie
verskynsel tans in internasionale betrekkinge geniet. Hierdie studie spreek gevolglik
beide die bilaterale en multilaterale implikasies van SADC-Mercosur verhoudinge aan,
terwyl die belangrikheid van markliberalisering asook die gevolg van streeksintegrasie
vir die globaliseringsproses in gedagte gehou word.
Die studie volg deurgaans 'n beskrywende en analitiese benadering. Daardeur word
navorsing op verskiIIende vlakke van analise moontlik gemaak deur die probleem vanuit
'n land-tot-land, land-tot-streek en streek-tot-streek perspektiefte beskou. Deur die fokus
op hierdie vlakke word die bilaterale en multilaterale geleenthede vir die betrokke partye
geidentifiseer.
Deur middel van 'n beskrywende metodologie word die eienskappe en potensiaal van
beide streke uitgelig, veral met betrekking tot markgrootte en streeksontwikkeling. Teen
die agtergrond van verbeterde suid-suid samewerking word ander areas ook bestudeer,
met die oog op moontlike toekomstige geleenthede vir SADC en Mercosur. Statistiese
data word deurgaans gebruik om sekere argumente en bevindings toe te lig.
Die studie bevind dat uitgebreide SADC-Mercosur verhoudinge etlike voordele inhou.
Mercosur hou groot belofte in vir ontwikkelende ekonorniee. Daar is egter ook probleme binne SADC en plaas dit 'n vraagteken oor SADC se vermoe om 'n vennootskap met
Mercosur aan te gaan. 'n Meer realistiese opsie sal 'n vennootskap met SACU wees. Maar
hierdie opsie behoort nagestreef te word met die oog op die spoedige insluiting van
SADC. Die blote grootte en status van SADC is 'n belangrike faktor in die uitbreiding
van suid-suid samewerking. Dit sou ideaal wees om verhoudinge tussen SADC en
Mercosur tot op 'n ware interstreekse vlak te ontwikkel met die moontlikheid van 'n
toekomstige transatlantiese vrye handelsooreenkoms. Hierdie visie behoort altyd in
gedagte gehou te word in die nastreef van verhoudinge met Mercosur.
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