Nesta dissertação, pretende-se estudar a dinamicidade lexical em textos de domínio político, veiculados pela imprensa escrita durante o período eleitoral de 2010. Para tal, selecionou-se um corpus adequado à pesquisa, fez-se o levantamento de neologismos lexicais nele ocorrentes e procedeu-se à sua descrição. Neste percurso, buscou-se demonstrar a riqueza e a vitalidade dos mecanismos de expansão lexical nos textos estudados, de modo a evidenciar que o léxico, como sistema dinâmico, configura-se como um dos subníveis linguísticos mais abertos à criatividade, revelando também crenças, valores, costumes e hábitos de uma comunidade linguística. Ademais, objetivou-se mostrar que a linguagem utilizada em contextos políticos, visto estar imersa em um ambiente de tensões e embates constantes, é marcadamente caracterizada pelo incessante nascer de novos signos, os quais, por motivações denominativas e/ou estilísticas, desvelam, não raras vezes, intenções e ideologias dos sujeitos-falantes que os criam. Por fim, elaborou-se um glossário com as novas formações encontradas, que oferece subsídios para a observação sistemática da neologia no âmbito do português brasileiro, além de traçar um perfil parcial das alterações político-culturais por que passamos no correr de 2010 / This paper intends to study the lexical dynamicity on political media, concerned to press during the recent elections occurred in the country (2010). An adequate corpus was selected to the research, a vast investigation of the presence of the lexical neologisms was made and their descriptions classification and semantical meanings were developed. As long as the construction took place, it turned crucial to point out the richness and vitality of the neologisms as mechanisms of lexical expansion on the selected articles, illustrating strongly how the lexicon, as a dynamical system, operates as one of the linguistical sublevels more acquainted to creativity, also able to reveal faiths, values, costumes and habits of a linguistical community. As a matter of fact, at last but not at least, it was also purpose demonstrating that the used current language on political contexts, considering its permanent environment of pressures, tensions and flights, is clearly marked by the birth of new signs, which, for denominative and/or stylistical motivations, are able to evidence, very often, intentions and ideologies of the creatures responsible for their enunciation. Finally, a glossary was elaborated with the brand-new terms found, that offers possibility for a longitudinal observation on neology, in Brazilian-Portuguese field, still visiting and underlining some political-cultural changes occurred to the country and its population in 2010

Nesta dissertação, pretende-se estudar a dinamicidade lexical em textos de domínio político, veiculados pela imprensa escrita durante o período eleitoral de 2010. Para tal, selecionou-se um corpus adequado à pesquisa, fez-se o levantamento de neologismos lexicais nele ocorrentes e procedeu-se à sua descrição. Neste percurso, buscou-se demonstrar a riqueza e a vitalidade dos mecanismos de expansão lexical nos textos estudados, de modo a evidenciar que o léxico, como sistema dinâmico, configura-se como um dos subníveis linguísticos mais abertos à criatividade, revelando também crenças, valores, costumes e hábitos de uma comunidade linguística. Ademais, objetivou-se mostrar que a linguagem utilizada em contextos políticos, visto estar imersa em um ambiente de tensões e embates constantes, é marcadamente caracterizada pelo incessante nascer de novos signos, os quais, por motivações denominativas e/ou estilísticas, desvelam, não raras vezes, intenções e ideologias dos sujeitos-falantes que os criam. Por fim, elaborou-se um glossário com as novas formações encontradas, que oferece subsídios para a observação sistemática da neologia no âmbito do português brasileiro, além de traçar um perfil parcial das alterações político-culturais por que passamos no correr de 2010 / This paper intends to study the lexical dynamicity on political media, concerned to press during the recent elections occurred in the country (2010). An adequate corpus was selected to the research, a vast investigation of the presence of the lexical neologisms was made and their descriptions classification and semantical meanings were developed. As long as the construction took place, it turned crucial to point out the richness and vitality of the neologisms as mechanisms of lexical expansion on the selected articles, illustrating strongly how the lexicon, as a dynamical system, operates as one of the linguistical sublevels more acquainted to creativity, also able to reveal faiths, values, costumes and habits of a linguistical community. As a matter of fact, at last but not at least, it was also purpose demonstrating that the used current language on political contexts, considering its permanent environment of pressures, tensions and flights, is clearly marked by the birth of new signs, which, for denominative and/or stylistical motivations, are able to evidence, very often, intentions and ideologies of the creatures responsible for their enunciation. Finally, a glossary was elaborated with the brand-new terms found, that offers possibility for a longitudinal observation on neology, in Brazilian-Portuguese field, still visiting and underlining some political-cultural changes occurred to the country and its population in 2010

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniela Atalla da Silva Ramos.pdf: 3041655 bytes, checksum: 514b63e6165aada71a3f2c908bff0206 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / My interest for COC first as televiewer and, later, as a researcher, was motivated by the apparently innovative combination between journalism and humor in which the TV show is based. Having as goal to perform an analysis of this TV show under the perspective of political communication and sociology, I have looked in the first Chapter of this work to describe what is COC, which is the audience profile and, having as theoretical framework the teachings of authors such as Bourdieu, Azevedo e Porto, raise some questions about mass communication, what is news and what is the criteria used by journalism to define a journalistic agenda. In the second chapter, 1 tried to bring a history of political humor in Brazil, with the purpose of inserting COC in such historic background; as well as to aggregate the contributions of the "Semantic Mechanisms of Humor" (of Raskin) and of "Dialogic Analysis of Discourse" (of Bakhtin), to begin setting up the construction of an overview of the combination among humor, politics and journalism. In the third chapter, 1 have made an analysis of the journalistic coverage performed by COC of Presidential Elections of 2010, bringing examples on the way the TV show has addressed the agenda of TV Electoral Propaganda, the profiles and proposals of the candidates. Later, 1 have reached the conclusion that the combination of humor, politics and journalism effectively results in little information to the voter - and in the reinforcement of some stereotypes / O meu interesse pelo CQC como telespectadora e, depois, como pesquisadora foi despertado pela combinação aparentemente nova entre jornalismo e humor. Tendo por objetivo analisar o programa sob o ponto de vista da comunicação política e da sociologia, procurei no primeiro capítulo descrever o que é o CQC, qual o perfil da sua audiência e, utilizando o aporte teórico de autores como Bourdieu, Azevedo e Porto, levantar algumas questões sobre a comunicação de massa, o que é notícia e quais os critérios utilizados pelo jornalismo para definir uma pauta. No segundo capítulo, procurei trazer um histórico do humor político no Brasil, de forma a contextualizar o CQC nesse histórico; e, também, agregar as contribuições na Teoria Semântica do Humor (de Raskin) e da Análise Dialógica do Discurso (de Bakhtin) para começar a configurar um panorama da combinação entre humor, política e jornalismo. No terceiro capítulo, realizei a análise da cobertura que o CQC fez das Eleições Presidenciais de 2010, trazendo exemplos de como o programa abordou as pautas do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral, os perfis e propostas dos candidatos. Cheguei, posteriormente, à conclusão de que a combinação entre humor, política e jornalismo resulta efetivamente em pouca informação para o eleitor e no reforço de alguns estereótipos

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniela Atalla da Silva Ramos.pdf: 3041655 bytes, checksum: 514b63e6165aada71a3f2c908bff0206 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / My interest for COC first as televiewer and, later, as a researcher, was motivated by the apparently innovative combination between journalism and humor in which the TV show is based. Having as goal to perform an analysis of this TV show under the perspective of political communication and sociology, I have looked in the first Chapter of this work to describe what is COC, which is the audience profile and, having as theoretical framework the teachings of authors such as Bourdieu, Azevedo e Porto, raise some questions about mass communication, what is news and what is the criteria used by journalism to define a journalistic agenda. In the second chapter, 1 tried to bring a history of political humor in Brazil, with the purpose of inserting COC in such historic background; as well as to aggregate the contributions of the "Semantic Mechanisms of Humor" (of Raskin) and of "Dialogic Analysis of Discourse" (of Bakhtin), to begin setting up the construction of an overview of the combination among humor, politics and journalism. In the third chapter, 1 have made an analysis of the journalistic coverage performed by COC of Presidential Elections of 2010, bringing examples on the way the TV show has addressed the agenda of TV Electoral Propaganda, the profiles and proposals of the candidates. Later, 1 have reached the conclusion that the combination of humor, politics and journalism effectively results in little information to the voter - and in the reinforcement of some stereotypes / O meu interesse pelo CQC como telespectadora e, depois, como pesquisadora foi despertado pela combinação aparentemente nova entre jornalismo e humor. Tendo por objetivo analisar o programa sob o ponto de vista da comunicação política e da sociologia, procurei no primeiro capítulo descrever o que é o CQC, qual o perfil da sua audiência e, utilizando o aporte teórico de autores como Bourdieu, Azevedo e Porto, levantar algumas questões sobre a comunicação de massa, o que é notícia e quais os critérios utilizados pelo jornalismo para definir uma pauta. No segundo capítulo, procurei trazer um histórico do humor político no Brasil, de forma a contextualizar o CQC nesse histórico; e, também, agregar as contribuições na Teoria Semântica do Humor (de Raskin) e da Análise Dialógica do Discurso (de Bakhtin) para começar a configurar um panorama da combinação entre humor, política e jornalismo. No terceiro capítulo, realizei a análise da cobertura que o CQC fez das Eleições Presidenciais de 2010, trazendo exemplos de como o programa abordou as pautas do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral, os perfis e propostas dos candidatos. Cheguei, posteriormente, à conclusão de que a combinação entre humor, política e jornalismo resulta efetivamente em pouca informação para o eleitor e no reforço de alguns estereótipos

This diploma thesis focuses on relations between a candidate and a political party and how these relations are influenced by political marketing and media. Political party TOP 09 and its leader Karel Schwarzenberg are studied during the political campaign preceding Czech legislative election in May 2010. The study is based on TOP 09's documents and interviews of Karel Schwarzenberg in Czech media. Theoretical part of this thesis is dedicated to concepts of political marketing, influence of media and models of communication. Content analysis compares themes and ways to speak about them used by the party and by Schwarzenberg. Qualitative analysis asks if the party can make use of Schwrazenberg for its own campaign and how strength and what sort of are relations between TOP 09 and its leader.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-01-29T16:53:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 carloseduardopintoprocopio.pdf: 4854032 bytes, checksum: 91947efb93507763b22126752a38e4aa (MD5) / Rejected by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br), reason: Adicionar instituição on 2016-02-01T15:47:06Z (GMT) / Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-02-01T16:23:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 carloseduardopintoprocopio.pdf: 4854032 bytes, checksum: 91947efb93507763b22126752a38e4aa (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-02-01T20:13:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 carloseduardopintoprocopio.pdf: 4854032 bytes, checksum: 91947efb93507763b22126752a38e4aa (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-01T20:13:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 carloseduardopintoprocopio.pdf: 4854032 bytes, checksum: 91947efb93507763b22126752a38e4aa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-21 / FAPEMIG - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais / Este trabalho pretende analisar a inserção do catolicismo carismático nas eleições de 2010 no Brasil. Diante de um cenário político e acadêmico que viu o vetor religião ganhar parte da cena política em questão, a intenção é voltar o olhar sobre as práticas políticas feitas pelas pessoas que eram parte do catolicismo carismático, um dos segmentos que contribuiu para o evidenciamento daquele vetor. Ciente de que as direções tomadas pela religião em 2010 foram extremamente controversas, procurei enfatizar o modo de organização que o catolicismo carismático desenvolveu para lidar com as eleições, criando um órgão especializado em política; como as candidaturas de membros desse segmento se fabricaram dentro de limites e possibilidades inerentes a suas inserções político-religiosas; e como uma mídia vinculada ao segmento carismático conduziu uma cobertura política em sua programação televisiva. A maneira como esses setores foram observados levou em conta a existência de uma situação multiposicional, evidenciada diante da impossibilidade de se perceber uma atitude verticalizada e uniforme no envolvimento político do catolicismo carismático. As articulações que atravessam suas ações e atitudes permitiam a visualização de algumas conexões e pontualizações provisórias, difíceis de serem generalizadas. É esse processo que tentarei demonstrar. / This thesis discusses the insertion of the Charismatic Catholicism in the Brazilian elections in 2010. Faced with a political and academic setting that saw the religion vector as part of this political scene, the intention is to focus the attention on the political practices made by people who were part of Charismatic Catholicism, one of the segments that contributed to evidence that vector. Aware that the directions taken by religion in 2010 were extremely controversial, I tryed to emphasize the organization way that the Charismatic Catholicism developed to handle the elections, creating a specialized organ in politics; how the candidacy of members of this segment are fabricated within the limits and possibilities of their political-religious inserts; and how a media linked to the charismatic segment directed a political coverage on its television broadcast. The way that these sectors were observed took into account the existence of a multiposicional situation, evidenced toward the impossibility of realizing a vertical and uniform attitude in the political involvement of the Charismatic Catholicism. The articulations that pass through their actions and attitudes allowed the visualization of some provisional connections and points, difficult to generalize. This is the process that I will attempt to demonstrate.

En 2010, les Ivoiriens organisaient une élection présidentielle au sortir d’une décennie de guerre civile. Depuis lors, ces élections défraient la chronique, en raison de leur issue critique : crise postélectorale meurtrière en 2011, réconciliation nationale poussive et, depuis 2016, mutineries dans les rangs d’une armée composite et de transition. La présente étude considère ces élections ivoiriennes de 2010 comme un objet d’étude scientifique et se consacre à la communication politique de campagne de trois « grands candidats » : Henri Konan Bédié du Parti Démocratique de Côte d’Ivoire (PDCI), Laurent Gbagbo de la Majorité Présidentielle (LMP) et Alassane Ouattara du Rassemblement Des Républicains (RDR). L’objectif scientifique est ici de déterminer les différents axes de communication partisane, qui éclairent le profil sociopolitique et le comportement de l’électeur ivoirien aux présidentielle de 2010. Plus spécifiquement, nos investigations sont consacrées, d’une part, à la détermination de l’électorat ivoirien dans sa composition sociale, politique et culturelle, mais aussi psychosociologique. Cet électorat est ici défini en termes d’intentions de vote, ou de motivation à voter pour tel ou tel candidat. D’autre part sont observés les moyens de communication utilisés par ces candidats majeurs qui deviennent des points structurants du champ politique ivoirien en s’endossant aux partis mandataires. Dans cette confrontation électorale pour capturer la majorité des voix interfèrent des représentations et des imaginaires politiques très marqués, qui consacrent ces candidats en challengers de la vie politique nationale et des sondages du moment. Ces enjeux affectent et différencient les stratégies de communication politique de campagne, que la thèse analyse en collectant les données et les ressources qui les influencent en sourdine et structurent autant les discours que les pratiques médiatiques des candidats étudiés. En clair, le contexte électoral de 2010 et ses déterminants sociohistoriques forgent les stratégies de communication et le comportement médiatique des candidats majeurs. / At the end of the year 2010, the Ivorians organized a presidential election after a decade of civil war. Since then, these elections are still in the news because of their critical outcome: murderous post-electoral crisis in 2011, complicated national reconciliation and, since the year 2016, mutinies in the ranks of a composite and transitional army. This study considers the Ivorian presidential elections of 2010 as a social sciences study subject and is devoted to the political campaign communication of three "great candidates" : Henri Konan Bédié of the Democratic Party of Côte d'Ivoire (PDCI), Laurent Gbagbo of the Presidential Majority (LMP) and Alassane Ouattara of the Rally of Republicans (RDR). The scientific purpose here is to determine the different axes of partisan communication, which illuminate the socio-political profile and behavior of the Ivorian voter in the 2010 presidential election. More specifically, our investigations are devoted, on the one hand, to the determination of the Ivorian electorate in its social, political and cultural composition, but also psycho-sociological dimension. This electorate is here defined in terms of voting intentions, or motivation to vote for a particular candidate. On the other hand are observed the means of communication used by these major candidates who become structuring points of the Ivorian political field by endorsing the mandatory parties. In this electoral confrontation to capture the majority of voices, the study shows how interfere a very strong political representations and imaginings, which consecrate these candidates into challengers of national political life and polls of the moment. These issues affect and differentiate campaign political communication strategies, which the thesis analyzes by collecting data and resources that influence them below and structure both the speeches and the media practices of the candidates studied. Clearly, the electoral context of 2010 and its sociohistorical determinants forge communication strategies and the media behavior of major candidates.

Diploma thesis Election Strategy of Small Political Parties: Case Study on TOP 09, Public Affairs Party and Party of Civic Rights - Zemanovci before Czech Parliamentary Elections 2010 assesses the election campaign of mentioned political parties, their personal, communication and financial strategy as well as their strategy of inter-parties relations. The author assumes that the small political parties, which all of the examined ones were at the time of this research, lead the campaign in a similar way - avoiding the negative campaign, they are led by a strong and well-known personality who can attract the attention not only of the voters but also of the media, and they have a large number of supporters who sympathize with the particular political entity. The theoretical concept of the text is based on the similarity of political and economic approach of marketing - therefore the author reckons the small political parties as the nichers of the political market. They can be characterized by occupying only a small niche of the political market which is ignored by the bigger political parties for those it is place of peripheral importance. Hence the basis of electoral campaign of any small political party is delineation unoccupied part of the market. Nevertheless it is crucial to simultaneously...