Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:53:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fatima Goncalves.pdf: 1677130 bytes, checksum: 74a3eaa7b09ee54a61acb6b79371c3de (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-07-24 / This thesis is on Roseana Sarney Murad s public and political construction, based on electoral campaigns to become federal deputy in 1990, to become governoress of the State of Maranhão in 1994 and, in 1998, to her re-election to this post. These are the moments of major visibility and intensification of public relations which in the meantime stay more subliminal. I take as empirical space what I denominate Dynastic Maranhão and the dynastic practices of the political power exerted by Roseana Sarney Murad. I study the symbolic construction of her authority and I investigate, to the extent possible, the permanence and reupdates of a political practice of regional power which tended to spread towards the center of power, but it still remains regional and regionalized, when it comes to talking about Roseana Sarney Murad s course of action between local region and national sphere. I reflect about political power in Maranhão, aiming to break up with the notion of a homogenous event. I consider it a practical act which creates facts in complex relations, by means of the relations of political sociability, as well as the political dimensions of the time of politics, by the apprehension of the strategies of production and of reproduction of the political domination and the forms of subjection. I strive to analyze the oscillations in the dynamics of the relations and co-relations of strengths in the specific work of reproduction of political domination, which allow to apprehend the equal dynamics in the process of construction and of reconstruction of Roseana Sarney Murad s political image, as well as in the process of maintenance of domination/subjection of the political practices of the Dynastic Maranhão. I take two axes which may be indicative of a shock in the king s castle : in 1994, when Roseana Sarney Murad (PFL/MA) almost lost the elections to the post of State Governoress, confronting in the second turn the candidate Epitácio Cafeteira (PPR); in 2002, when Roseana Sarney Murad was a member of the PFL running for the presidential elections and finds herself forced to give up her candidateship when faced with the so called Lunus scandal , in march of 2002, involving herself and her husband Jorge Murad. I construct my epistemic object crossed by various conjectures until I got to the fundamental question: the semiotic aspects of Roseana Sarney Murad s electoral campaigns, in 1994 and 1998, first going through her inaugural rite in the regional politics when she was elected federal deputy in 1990. / O presente trabalho trata da construção pública e política de Roseana Sarney Murad, com base nas campanhas eleitorais para deputada federal em 1990, para governadora do Estado do Maranhão em 1994 e, em 1998, para a sua reeleição ao cargo. Estes são os momentos de maior visibilidade e intensificação das relações políticas que em tempo cotidiano ficam mais subliminares. Tomo como espaço empírico o que denomino de Maranhão Dinástico e as práticas dinásticas de poder político exercido por Roseana Sarney Murad. Estudo a construção simbólica de sua autoridade e esquadrinho, na medida do possível, as permanências e reatualizações de uma prática política de poder regional que tendeu a se expandir para o centro do poder, mas ainda permanece regional e regionalizado, quando se trata do percurso de Roseana Sarney Murad entre a região e a esfera nacional. Reflito sobre poder político no Maranhão, buscando romper com a noção de um acontecimento homogêneo. Considero-o como ato prático que cria fatos em relações complexas, através das relações de sociabilidade política, bem como das dimensões políticas do tempo de política, pela apreensão das estratégias de produção e de reprodução da dominação política e das formas de sujeição. Busco analisar as oscilações na dinâmica das relações e correlações de força no trabalho específico de reprodução da dominação política, as quais permitem apreender a igual dinâmica no processo de construção e de reconstrução da figura política e pública de Roseana Sarney Murad, assim como no processo de manutenção da dominação/sujeição das práticas políticas do Maranhão Dinástico. Tomo dois eixos que podem ser indicativos de abalos na casa do rei : em 1994, quando Roseana Sarney Murad (PFL/MA) quase perde as eleições para o cargo de Governadora de Estado, enfrentando no 2º turno, Epitácio Cafeteira (PPR); em 2002, quando Roseana Sarney Murad é a candidata do PFL às eleições presidenciais e vêse obrigada a desistir da candidatura face ao chamado escândalo Lunus , em março de 2002, envolvendo-a e a seu marido, Jorge Murad. Construo o meu objeto epistêmico atravessado por várias conjecturas até chegar propriamente a questão fundamental: os aspectos semióticos das campanhas eleitorais de Roseana Sarney Murad, em 1994 e 1998, passando antes pelo seu rito inaugural na política regional ao ser eleita deputada federal em 1990.

Qu'est-ce qu'une campagne électorale ? Entendue tantôt comme une période, parfois comme unecompétition ou encore comme un ensemble de techniques de sollicitation des suffrages, la notion de"campagne électorale" est difficile à circonscrire. Cette thèse se propose d’analyser comment semodifient les pratiques des agents, leurs interactions et les structures du jeu politique pour former cequi se présente et s’interprète comme étant une "campagne électorale". Il s'agit alors d'analyser uneconjoncture particulière du politique, coproduite par les agents de champs différents (notammentpolitique et journalistique). Cette conjoncture se décline pratiquement en un ensemble de jeuxélectoraux plus ou moins compétitifs en fonction des propriétés sociales et politiques des candidats etdes représentations qu’ils se font du jeu. Ces jeux déterminent en grande partie les mobilisationsélectorales menées, tant dans l’adaptation du programme électoral défendu, que dans les modesd’action mis en oeuvre. Au final, l'espace politique des conjonctures électorales s'analyse comme unensemble de configurations d'agents plus ou moins liées et imbriquées. Cette approcheconfigurationnelle des conjonctures électorales se fonde sur l'analyse empirique des campagnesélectorales législatives en France et en Grande-Bretagne et se concentre sur les candidats de quatrepartis politiques (Parti socialiste, Union pour un mouvement populaire, Parti travailliste et Particonservateur). / What is exactly an electoral campaign? Sometimes understood as a period, occasionally as acompetition or as a set of techniques to get out the vote, the notion of "electoral campaign" is hard toclarify. The core of this work is to analyse changes in the practices of social agents, in theirinteractions and in the structures of the political game that, in the end, form what looks like - and isinterpreted as- an "electoral campaign". Thus, a campaign is conceived as a particular politicalconjuncture constructed jointly by agents, belonging to different fields (notably the political and thejournalistic ones). This conjuncture presents itself as a set of electoral games, which are more or lesscompetitive according to the social and political properties of candidates and the representations theyhave concerning the game. These games largely determine how electoral mobilisations are carriedout, both regarding the adaptation of manifestos and the means of action implemented. Eventually, thepolicy space during electoral conjunctures can be analysed as a set of configurations of agents thatare more or less linked and intertwined together. The configurational approach of electoralconjunctures is based on the empirical analysis of parliamentary campaigns in France and GreatBritain and focuses on the candidates of four political parties (French Socialist Party, French Union fora Popular Movement, British Labour Party and British Conservative Party).

Cette thèse par articles évalue la linéarité des dynamiques de construction de l’ordre du jour en période électorale. Elle mobilise à cet effet le concept de tempête médiatique, définie en tant que hausse subite et explosive de la couverture médiatique consacrée à un item spécifique (enjeu ou événement), qui en vient à constituer une part substantielle de l’ordre du jour pendant un laps de temps significatif. Plusieurs analyses récentes suggèrent que ces tempêtes médiatiques changent les patrons d’attention des médias ainsi que des acteurs politiques. D’autres estiment qu’elles modifieraient les rapports de force usuels qui circonscrivent les relations d’influence entre les discours politiques et médiatiques. À partir d’une étude de cas de la campagne électorale canadienne de 2015, cette thèse examine l’impact des tempêtes médiatiques sur les trois maillons de la chaine de communication électorale : les médias, les acteurs politiques et les citoyens. Le premier article vise à décrire les effets des tempêtes médiatiques sur l’environnement communicationnel. Il détecte trois périodes de tempête médiatique, qui couvrent plus de la moitié de la campagne électorale. Il démontre comment ces dernières se caractérisent par une plus faible diversité du nombre quotidien d’enjeux inclus à l’ordre du jour médiatique, ainsi que par une concentration élevée de l’attention médiatique sur les items qui sont liés à la tempête. Enfin, il suggère que les partis politiques sont plus susceptibles de mentionner ces mêmes items pendant les périodes de tempête médiatique. Le deuxième article vérifie l’impact des tempêtes médiatiques sur l’efficacité des efforts déployés par les partis politiques pour influencer l’ordre du jour médiatique. Il s’intéresse à la manière dont l’attention accordée par les partis politiques à certains enjeux affecte leur présence médiatique du lendemain. L’étude identifie une baisse significative de l’efficacité de ce transfert de saillance durant les périodes de tempête; les partis politiques ont plus de difficulté à générer de la couverture médiatique à propos d’enjeux qui ne sont pas liés aux tempêtes. Elle démontre aussi que même lorsque les partis accordent de l’attention aux enjeux liés à la tempête, le succès de leur démarche n’est pas garanti. Cela suggère que l’efficacité des efforts déployés par les partis pour influencer l’ordre du jour médiatique ne serait pas linéaire. Le dernier article analyse l’impact d’une des tempêtes médiatiques identifiées dans les articles précédents sur les attitudes politiques des citoyens. Il démontre que l’émergence de la tempête médiatique de la « crise des réfugiés » a entrainé une évolution des attitudes citoyennes à propos des principaux cadres mobilisés pour définir la situation. L’identité partisane constitue un médiateur de cette relation. Il expose aussi comment ces attitudes politiques sont devenues, après le début de la tempête, des déterminants significatifs du choix de vote des électeurs. La thèse contribue à la compréhension des tempêtes médiatiques — qui n’avaient jamais été examinées dans un contexte électoral — ainsi que des dynamiques de construction de l’ordre du jour. Plus généralement, elle propose une perspective novatrice à propos de l’aphorisme bien connu voulant que la meilleure campagne soit celle qui reste « on message ». / The purpose of this doctoral dissertation is to assess the linearity of electoral agenda-building dynamics. To that end, the concept of media storm is used. A media storm can be defined as an explosive increase in news coverage of a specific item (event or issue), which garners a substantial share of the total news agenda during a certain time. Recent analyses on the subject suggest that media storms cause changes in the attention patterns of political actors and the media and that they may disrupt the usual power dynamics delineating the reciprocal influence between their respective agendas. Empirically examining agenda-building dynamics during the 2015 Canadian federal election, this study examines the impact of media storms on the three types of actors at the core of any political communication process: the media, the political actors, and citizens. First, the effects of media storms on election coverage by the media are evaluated. Three media storms were detected during the 2015 Canadian election, and they extended for more than half of the 79-day length of the campaign. One finding is that storm periods decrease the average number of issues present in daily media coverage of the campaign, as the media focus their attention on items related to the storm. Another finding is that parties are more likely to interact with a storm issue during its respective storm period. Second, the idea that media storms negatively affect political actors’ electoral agenda-building efficiency is tested. Specifically, how storm periods impact the ways in which parties’ attention to given issues promotes their next-day importance in the media’s agenda is examined. Results suggest a significant drop in this salience transfer mechanism during storm periods, when political actors are less successful in their efforts to promote issues unrelated to the storm. They also indicate that parties’ attention to storm-related issues is not guaranteed to raise their profile in the next day’s media agenda, even during storm periods. These findings suggest that agenda-building dynamics are not linear; some contexts are more amenable to successful influence by parties than are others. Third, how media storms, through agenda-setting and a priming mechanism, affect citizens’ political attitudes and vote choice is investigated. Using the case of the “refugee crisis,” how the storm’s emergence brought changes in opinions about items related to the prominent frames invoked in the competition for the definition of the issue is detailed. Partisan identity is shown to have a significant mediating role in this influence process. Compelling empirical evidence is also offered about the ways in which the storm gradually increased the impacts of those attitudes on vote choice during the 2015 Canadian election campaign. The dissertation offers an exciting contribution to the literature on media storms – which had never been examined in an electoral context – and on agenda-building dynamics. More generally, it provides novel, and potentially far-reaching, insight on the well-known aphorism that the best election campaign always stays “on message.”

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:30:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Augusto Bonacorso.pdf: 429284 bytes, checksum: 28ad9640eac615dbe7c7388745ea55dd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-07 / The objective of this work is to rescue the main jingles used in the presidential electoral campaigns with direct vote in Brazil, under the optics of the propaganda and of the political-electoral marketing and inside of the social context of each time, trying to discover what they present in common. The idea is to describe the lyrics of the electoral music and as those lyrics they were used as advertising pieces in the electoral campaigns. To this, it will be made a rising and analysis in audio pieces in the phonographic, in the radio and TV history, in search of those music (jingles), telling the strategies used with those pieces. Researches bibliographical it will be made with the objective of knowing the social and political context of each time to compare the lyric and the rhythm used in each jingle.(AU) / O objetivo deste trabalho é resgatar os principais jingles utilizados nas campanhas eleitorais presidenciais com voto direto no Brasil, sob a ótica da propaganda e do marketing político-eleitoral e dentro do contexto social de cada época, procurando descobrir o que eles apresentam em comum. A ideia é descrever as letras das músicas eleitorais e como estas foram usadas como peças publicitárias nas campanhas eleitorais. Para tanto, será efetuado um levantamento e análise em peças de áudio na história fonográfica, na história do rádio e da TV, em busca dessas músicas (jingles), contextualizando e relatando as estratégias utilizadas com essas peças. Uma pesquisa bibliográfica será efetuada com o intuito de conhecer o contexto social e político de cada época, para comparar a letra e o ritmo utilizado em cada jingle.(AU)