Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andrea Reis.pdf: 2028136 bytes, checksum: eb0e10f7e4210e565ab3e365646b5569 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The electoral campaign to the city hall of São Paulo in 2004 presented a historical importance, once it was the first, after the redemocratization, with a candidate to reelection. Being known about the great political and economical power that the municipal district of São Paulo has, here it comes the following subject: when the construction of a scenery of politic representation (CR-P) together with the rhetoric of the continuity, very frequent speech during a reelection campaign, do they guarantee an electoral victory? The electoral dispute of 2004 allowed that the traditional dispute between the petismo and the malufismo of last decades was substituted by the dispute between PT and PSDB . Therefore, the dispute, that was based on the person before and is based on the party now, could it be the consequence of a larger political understanding of the electorate from São Paulo? For us to understand the defeat of an administration that was being very appraised at the end of its administration, we noticed that we should analyze, besides PR-S, the person's from São Paulo electoral behavior, which was the calendar interpersonal of the electorate in 2004, the calendar-setting of the television media during the electoral year and also two main candidates' institutional calendar, for us to verify what would justify Marta Suplicy defeat. The media can alert and inform the voter about candidates' viability and also to transmit messages that influence the public opinion during the campaign. The communication means supply perspectives, they model candidates' images, as well as of the party, they help to promote the campaign themes and they differ the specific atmosphere and the area of relevance and of activity of each electoral competition. The construction of CR-P will be accompanied till the official end of the electoral campaign of 2004. It will be verified which were the preponderant constituent elements in the institutional calendar and in the media calendar / A campanha eleitoral para a prefeitura de São Paulo, em 2004, teve importância histórica, pois foi a primeira, depois da redemocratização, com um candidato à reeleição. Sabendo-se do grande poder político e econômico que o município de São Paulo possui, apresenta-se a seguinte questão: quando a construção de um cenário de representação da política (CR-P) juntamente com a retórica da continuidade, discurso muito freqüente durante uma campanha de reeleição, garantem um triunfo eleitoral? A disputa eleitoral de 2004 permitiu que a tradicional rivalidade entre o petismo e o malufismo das décadas passadas fosse substituída pelo embate entre o PT e o PSDB. A disputa, que antes era personalista e agora está partidarizada, poderia ser a conseqüência de uma maior conscientização política do eleitorado paulistano? Para entendermos a derrota de uma administração que estava sendo bem avaliada no final de sua gestão, percebemos que deveríamos analisar, além do CR-P, o comportamento eleitoral do paulistano, qual era a agenda interpessoal do eleitorado em 2004, a agendasetting da mídia televisiva durante o ano eleitoral e também a agenda institucional dos dois principais candidatos, para verificarmos o que justificaria a derrota de Marta Suplicy. A mídia pode alertar e informar o eleitor sobre a viabilidade dos candidatos e também veicular mensagens que influenciem a opinião pública durante a campanha. Os meios de comunicação fornecem perspectivas, modelam as imagens dos candidatos, assim como do partido, ajudam a promover os temas de campanha e diferem a atmosfera específica e a área de relevância e de atividade de cada competição eleitoral. A construção do CR-P será acompanhada até o final oficial da campanha eleitoral de 2004. Serão verificados quais foram os elementos constitutivos preponderantes na agenda institucional e na agenda da mídia

O objetivo da presente dissertação é analisar o sistema normativo que rege o financiamento da atividade política no Brasil. Para tanto, o trabalho inicia com a abordagem das principais fragilidades apresentadas pelo sistema político-eleitoral brasileiro como um todo para que se possa entender melhor o contexto em que está envolvido o sistema normativo do financiamento da política no Brasil. Após, são analisadas as principais propostas de reforma legislativas do cenário político-eleitoral brasileiro. Nesse ínterim, ganha destaque as alterações propostas no sistema de financiamento de caráter misto atualmente vigente no Brasil. Posteriormente, há uma análise de todos os dispositivos legais referentes ao tema, a fim de se entender os problemas específicos do financiamento dos partidos políticos e das campanhas eleitorais brasileiras. Segue-se uma pesquisa empírica em que são estudadas as prestações de contas eleitorais apresentadas nas eleições presidenciais de 2002 e 2006, com o intuito de se observar se as premissas existentes na doutrina referente ao tema realmente se aplicam na prática. / The objective of this work is to analyze the normative system that conducts the financing of the activity politics in Brazil. For in such a way, the work initiates with the boarding of the main fragilities presented for Brazilian politician-electoral system as a whole so that if it can understand the context better where the normative system of the financing of the politics in Brazil is involved. After, the main legislative proposals of reform of the Brazilian politician-electoral scene are analyzed. In this meantime, it gains prominence the alterations proposals in the currently normative financing system in Brazil. Later, it has an analysis of all the referring legal devices to the subject, in order to understand the specific problems of the financing of the political parties and the Brazilian electoral campaigns. An empirical research is followed where the presented electoral renderings of accounts in the presidential elections of 2002 and 2006 are studied, with the intention of observing if the existing premises in the referring doctrine to the subject really they are applied in the practical one.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:25:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 253.pdf: 730945 bytes, checksum: 06de873e805a93c156c9d4c02a088b7a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2004-03-02 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / Under a sartorian perspective, we characterized the Brazilian Workers Party (PT) as an anti-system party until the middle of the 90´s, because in some of their actions the party s objective was to cause symbolic impacts that could unlegitimize the Brazilian political system. Using the Panebianco s theoretical model, we try to explain how PT processed the institutional changes that made the party leaves gradually its anti-systemic character, making it possible its approach in relation to the centrist political forces that became clear in the presidential electoral campaign in 2002. Such migration toward the center nominated by political variable, and the quest for more competitiveness in a competitiveness variable were essential for the 2002 electoral campaign s modernization when Lula conquered the Presidency. This modernization was verified by an comparative cases study which compared this with the 1989 electoral campaign, very close to the non-modernized polo, according to un archetype constructed by Mancini and Swanson; the electoral campaigns analyzed represented reflections of the party s mutation. / Em uma perspectiva sartoriana, caracterizamos o Partido dos Trabalhadores como um partido anti-sistema até meados dos anos 90, na medida em que algumas das ações partidárias buscavam causar impactos simbólicos deslegitimadores sobre o sistema político nacional. Lançando mão do modelo teórico de Panebianco, buscamos explicar como o PT processou as alterações institucionais que o fariam abandonar gradativamente este caráter anti-sistêmico, fazendo viável a aproximação em relação a forças políticas centristas que se tornou diáfana na campanha presidencial de 2002. Tal migração rumo ao centro que intitulamos de variável política, e a busca de maior competitividade eleitoral em uma variável de competitividade foram determinantes à modernização da campanha eleitoral petista que levou Lula à Presidência. Esta modernização foi verificada através de um estudo comparativo de casos que a contrapôs à campanha petista de 1989, muito próxima de um pólo nãomodernizado, conforme arquétipo traçado por Mancini e Swanson; as campanhas analisadas constituíram-se, assim, em reflexos da mutação da agremiação.

Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-11-11T16:53:24Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Aiane de Oliveira Vieira - 2016.pdf: 3265296 bytes, checksum: 9423b44dcdcb558afdb9d6dcaa12b1e8 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jaqueline Silva (jtas29@gmail.com) on 2016-11-17T16:15:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Aiane de Oliveira Vieira - 2016.pdf: 3265296 bytes, checksum: 9423b44dcdcb558afdb9d6dcaa12b1e8 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-17T16:15:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Aiane de Oliveira Vieira - 2016.pdf: 3265296 bytes, checksum: 9423b44dcdcb558afdb9d6dcaa12b1e8 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation developed an analysis that aims to identify why political parties and candidates use social media websites as a campaign tool and the main persuasive strategies they use to convince the electorate. It also tried to comprehend how professionalization, medialization and personalization, contemporary campaigns main characteristics, influence political campaigns in digital environments. In this perspective, the research chose to analyze candidates’, Aécio Neves (PSDB) and Dilma Rousseff (PT), official pages on Facebook. The main goal was to understand the persuasive strategies they used throughout the presidential race. The study’s main hypotheses defends that the candidates, using advanced electoral marketing techniques, used social media websites in order to promote themselves and attack their opponents and, on the other hand, did not debate political issues. In order to reach the main goal and test the proposed hypothesis, the research developed a literature review that underwent the historical transformation that the electoral process experienced both in an international and national context. It also focused on New Information and Communication Technology rise in the political communication field as well as debated about their contributions to the quality of democracy and electoral campaigns. The research also promoted an investigation on the political scene that the 2014 presidential race took place, which discussed the polarization between PT and PSDB around the presidential election in the last two decades. The analysis focused, first, on former presidents’ Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva administrations as well as President Dilma Rousseff first term and, later, introduced the main events that happened throughout the campaign. The paper identified and debated the main communicational strategies adopted by campaign strategists, which suited as a theoretical sketch of the methodological model implemented. It was collected the content posted on the candidates’ official pages on Facebook between July 6th and October 26th , 2014 and it was developed a content analysis that classified each post in the following categories: Agenda; Support/Endorsement; Attack/Negative Campaign; Campaign/Call for votes; Defense/Counterattack; Institutional; Personal Matters/Personal promotion; and Political Proposals. Later, based on the results, it was done a comparative analysis, which tried to emphasize each variable analyzed and highlight each candidate’s strategies and goals according to the electoral context. This research concluded that institutional propaganda and personal promotion, political personalization main characteristics, in addition to negative campaign led the campaign and, on the other hand, political discussions were put aside. / Esta dissertação desenvolveu uma análise que busca identificar as finalidades para as quais partidos e candidatos usam as redes sociais como ferramenta de campanha política e quais as principais estratégias persuasivas usadas por eles para convencer o eleitor. Buscou-se também compreender como a profissionalização, a midiatização e a personalização, características das campanhas contemporâneas, influenciam as campanhas em ambientes digitais. Nesse sentido, escolheu-se como objeto de estudo as páginas oficiais dos candidatos Aécio Neves (PSDB) e Dilma Rousseff (PT) na rede social Facebook e o objetivo geral foi analisar as estratégias persuasivas usadas por eles ao longo da corrida presidencial. Partiu-se da hipótese de que os candidatos empregaram avançadas técnicas de marketing eleitoral e utilizaram as redes sociais para se autopromoverem e atacarem seus oponentes e, em contrapartida, deixaram de debater questões políticas programáticas. Para alcançar tal objetivo e testar a hipótese proposta, o trabalho fez uma revisão da literatura que perpassou as transformações históricas vividas pelas campanhas eleitorais, tanto no contexto internacional, quanto nacional; a ascensão das Novas Tecnologias de Informação e Comunicação na comunicação política e o debate acerca de suas contribuições para a qualidade da democracia e dos processos eleitorais. A pesquisa desenvolveu também um balanço do cenário político em que as eleições de 2014 se desenvolveram, o qual discutiu a polarização entre PT e PSDB em torno das eleições presidenciais nas últimas duas décadas, perpassando pelos governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e o primeiro mandato de Dilma Rousseff, para então introduzir os principais fatos que se desenrolaram ao longo do período eleitoral. Identificou-se e debateu-se as principais estratégias comunicacionais adotadas pelos estrategistas de campanha, análise esta que serviu como esboço teórico do modelo metodológico implementado na pesquisa, o qual, por meio de análise de conteúdo, coletou as postagens feitas nas páginas oficiais dos dois candidatos entre os dias 06 de julho e 26 de outubro de 2014 e classificou-as em: Agenda; Apoio/Endosso; Ataque/Campanha Negativa; Campanha/Apelo; Defesa/ContraAtaque; Institucional; Assuntos Pessoais/Promoção Pessoal; e Propositivo. Posteriormente, os resultados obtidos foram discutidos por meio de uma análise comparativa, que buscou evidenciar cada variável analisada e destacar as estratégias e os objetivos de cada candidato de acordo com o contexto eleitoral. Concluiu-se que a propaganda institucional juntamente com a promoção pessoal, características da personalização da política, bem como o discurso negativo tomaram conta dos discursos da campanha em detrimento da apresentação e discussão de propostas de governo.

This study aims at describing if discrepancies can be found between the rhetoric in Swedish political parties’ electoral campaigns to the European Parliament elections in 2004 and their representatives’ actual behavior in the European Parliament and to develop plausible explanations to these possible discrepancies. The research method that is being used is content analysis, aiming to answer four research questions regarding the electoral campaigns to the European Parliament elections in 2004 and the behavior by the parties’ representatives during the following term of office. The main findings are that some discrepancies can be found regarding which questions are raised most frequently in the electoral campaigns and in the European Parliament, but that no discrepancies can be found regarding the positions taken in questions in the electoral campaigns and in the European Parliament. The plausible explanations that are presented are that the parties raise certain questions in the campaigns with the purpose of maximizing the number of votes and then raise other questions in the European Parliament, that size of the party group matters and that the individuals representing the parties might effect the coherence between rhetoric and actual behavior.

Cette thèse examine les théories politiques profanes qui sont mises de l’avant dans les articles et les reportages des journalistes politiques. Par «théories profanes», nous entendons les constructions intellectuelles informelles qui aident les journalistes à appréhender et à concevoir la vie politique. Nous les définissons ici par opposition aux théories scientifiques des universitaires. Ces théories sont examinées sous trois angles différents, au travers de trois articles scientifiques distincts. Notre principal objectif est de déterminer dans quelle mesure et pour quelles raisons les théories journalistiques profanes convergent ou divergent des théories universitaires scientifiques. Au premier chapitre, nous nous demandons ce que les journalistes font, en nous attardant aux critères sur lesquels ces derniers s’appuient pour analyser la personnalité des chefs de partis politiques. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à savoir si les journalistes tiennent compte des considérations politiques jugées importantes par les citoyens. Afin d’atteindre cet objectif, nous réalisons une analyse de contenu des reportages diffusés dans les grands bulletins d’information télévisés au sujet de l’ex-chef du Parti québécois, André Boisclair. Au second chapitre, nous poussons notre réflexion un cran plus loin en nous demandant ce que les journalistes disent précisément dans les théories qu’ils développent. Pour ce faire, nous examinons les théories développées par les journalistes pour expliquer le comportement des parlementaires. De manière spécifique, nous contrastons les théories académiques de la dissidence politique avec ce qui s’est écrit dans les grands journaux canadiens à l’occasion de quatre votes particulièrement serrés ayant eu lieu à la Chambre des communes à propos de la prolongation de la mission canadienne en Afghanistan et de l’abolition du registre des armes d’épaule. Enfin, nous nous attardons à ce que les journalistes pensent de leurs propres théories, en les interrogeant sur les raisons qui les poussent à mettre ces dernières de l’avant et sur la manière dont ils s’y prennent pour les développer. Nous nous attardons aux mécanismes qui rythment la pensée des journalistes et nous portons notre regard sur les matériaux dont ceux-ci se servent pour construire les théories qu’ils incluent dans leurs reportages. Pour ce faire, nous réalisons des entrevues semi-dirigées avec des journalistes politiques affectés à la couverture de l’élection présidentielle française de 2012. Nos questions portent notamment sur le chemin intellectuel qu’ils parcourent lorsqu’ils tentent de comprendre et d’expliquer le comportement des politiciens, ainsi que sur la façon dont ils conçoivent les campagnes électorales et le rôle qu’ils sont appelés à jouer à l’intérieur de celles-ci. Nos conclusions sont à l’effet que les journalistes construisent bel et bien des théories profanes de la vie politique afin d’aller au-delà des simples comptes rendus factuels et de répondre à ce qu’ils considèrent être une nécessité de leur travail. Les théories qu’ils mettent de l’avant tiennent compte des considérations politiques jugées importantes par les électeurs, et elles ont des traits communs avec certaines des idées sous-tendues par les théories scientifiques des universitaires. Ces théories s’articulent autour des observations que font les journalistes, et des conversations auxquelles ils prennent part ou dont ils sont témoins. Elles reflètent la plupart du temps l’expérience ou le vécu du journaliste. Les théories journalistiques profanes se distinguent toutefois des théories scientifiques en ce qu’elles ne sont ni formalisées, ni explicitement nommées. Elles n’ont pas la sophistication des théories universitaires, et elles sont parfois reléguées à l’arrière-plan de la couverture médiatique au bénéfice d’aspects plus théâtraux de la vie politique. Les journalistes développent par contre des mécanismes pour valider leurs théories. La contribution de cette thèse à l’avancement des connaissances se manifeste sur les plans conceptuel, théorique et empirique. Sur le plan conceptuel, nous étayons davantage le concept des théories journalistiques. Notre thèse permet de mieux comprendre la couverture médiatique de la politique, en mettant en lumière un de ses aspects jusqu’ici négligé par les politologues, soit le fait que les journalistes construisent et utilisent des théories politiques qui leur sont propres pour appréhender l’univers au sein duquel ils évoluent. Sur le plan théorique, nous faisons ressortir les objectifs et les impératifs qui guident les journalistes qui développent ces théories. Enfin, sur le plan empirique, nous donnons pour une rare fois l’occasion aux journalistes de s’exprimer sur la manière dont ils perçoivent leur propre travail. / This thesis examines the lay theories that political journalists put forth in their articles and analyses. “Lay theories” should be understood to mean the informal intellectual constructions that help journalists make sense of political life, in opposition to political scientists’ academic theories. These theories are investigated from three different perspectives, which are presented in three separate academic articles. The goal is to determine to what extent and for what reasons journalistic lay theories converge with or diverge from the academic scientific theories. The first chapter examines what journalists do, by looking at the criteria on which reporters rely in order to build their theories about the personality of political leaders. More precisely, the chapter aims at determining if these theories are based on political considerations deemed important by citizens. More specifically, this chapter explores the character traits to which journalists resort when they theorize and assess the personality of political leaders. To do so, it analyses reports broadcast on television news programs about former Parti Québécois leader André Boisclair. The following chapter goes further into how lay theories are understood by looking at what journalists say in these theories. Focussing on the theories developed by journalists to explain MP behaviour, it compares the academic literature on intra-patry dissent with what has been written on the subject in Canada’s national newspapers. More precisely, it studies four particularly divisive votes that took place in the House of Commons about the extension of the Canadian mission in Afghanistan and the abolition of the long-gun registry. The third and last chapter studies what journalists think of their own theories by questioning them on their reasons for building those theories. In other words, the third chapter studies the intellectual underpinnings of these lay theories. It examines the thinking patterns of journalists and investigates the material that they use to build their theories. Interviews conducted with political journalists who covered France’s 2012 presidential election provide the data for this chapter. Questions are asked about the way in which reporters see electoral campaigns and the role journalists play in them. This thesis shows that journalists do indeed construct lay theories that go beyond strictly factual accounts of political events, in order to fulfil what they consider a job necessity. The theories they put forward take into account political considerations deemed relevant by citizens and share common ground with ideas put forth by academics. Journalists often articulate these theories on the basis of what they observe and hear around them. These theories are the result of reporters’ knowledge and experience. Nonetheless, lay theories differ from academic theories insofar as they are neither formalised, nor explicitly labelled. Being less sophisticated than academic theories, lay theories are sometimes relegated to the background of political coverage to allow for more dramatic coverage of political life. On the other side, journalists develop mechanisms to validate their theories. This thesis makes a threefold contribution. At the conceptual level, it expands political science’s understanding of lay theories. It sheds light on a neglected aspect of media coverage of political life, i.e. the fact that journalists construct and use their own political theories to better understand political life. At the theoretical level, it clarifies the goals and imperatives that guide journalists who build these theories. Finally, at the empirical level, it gives journalists a rare occasion to express their view on how they perceive their own work.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo estudar o financiamento da política no Brasil por pessoas jurídicas, a fim de evocar os riscos que gera para o processo de escolha dos governantes e a fase governamental. A análise dessas questões dá-se por meio de quatro chaves. A primeira trata da capitalização dos partidos políticos e candidatos, a qual demanda fixação de limites por meio de ferramentas de regulação que buscam equilíbrio nas campanhas eleitorais e no financiamento das atividades dos partidos. A segunda versa sobre os dados de eleições nacionais e de pesquisas empíricas sobre o resultado da participação de pessoas jurídicas, correlacionando-o com os efeitos colaterais do financiamento, quais sejam, a corrupção e a influência do poder econômico. O exame de alguns escândalos tem relevância na atualidade, sobretudo diante da possibilidade de subsidiarem reformas que se apresentam necessárias. A terceira aborda soluções encontradas em outros países para equacionar os efeitos da participação das pessoas jurídicas, com destaque para o debate da questão atinente à liberdade de expressão. A pesquisa revela que a Justiça Eleitoral e a jurisdição constitucional brasileira tiveram papel decisivo na conformação do financiamento da política. A quarta consiste na análise crítica das regras do ordenamento brasileiro, inclusive as decorrentes da reforma política, que visam equacionar os problemas diagnosticados no estudo, e das decisões da jurisprudência que lidaram com o princípio da igualdade. Ao final, alinham-se vantagens e desvantagens do financiamento da política por pessoas jurídicas. / The present work aims to analyze the political financing by legal entities in Brazil in order to evoke the risks for the process of choosing the rulers and the period of governorship. The analysis of the issues considers four keys. The first is about the capitalization of the political parties and the candidates, which demands the fixing of limits through regulation tools to seek the balance in the electoral campaigns and in the financing of the parties activities. The second one concerns the data of the national elections and the empirical researches on the result of the participation of legal entities, correlating it with the side effects of financing, in other words corruption and the influence of the economic power. The exam of some scandals is relevant in the present time mainly considering the possibility of subsidizing reforms that are presented as necessary. The third point considers the other countries solutions to balance the effects of the legal entities contributions especially the discussion of the issue pertaining to freedom of expression. The research reveals that the Electoral Courts and the Brazilian constitutional jurisdiction had a decisive role shaping the political financing. The fourth key is the critical analyses of the Brazilian legal system, including the rules resulting from the political reform, which intended to solve the problems identified in the study, and the case law which dealt with principle of equality. In the end, there is an evaluation of the advantages and disadvantages of political financing by legal entities.

Cette recherche vise à analyser et à interpréter les modes de construction, de diffusion et d’appropriation des sens et significations des instruments de langages médiatiques au sujet des campagnes présidentielles de 2007, 2012 et 2017 par les journaux de la presse française. Notre problématique peut s’exprimer par les deux questions suivantes : en quoi les outilslangagiers, iconiques et plastiques des couvertures de journaux constituent-ils des instruments techniques visant le choix présidentiel dans la période de 2007 et 2012 en France ? En quoi les outils de langage des médias jouent un rôle d’instruments techniques et psychologiques dans les représentations et l’appropriation des messages médiatiques par des étudiant-e-s en Sciences de l’Education au cours de la campagne présidentielle de 2017 ? Pour ce faire, nous avons analysé, comparé et interprété le réseau de relations entre les modes de construction et de diffusion des outils de langage utilisés par les journaux pour présenter des campagnes présidentielles au cours de deux périodes historiques. Une étude complémentaire nous a permisd’analyser et d’interpréter les représentations et l’appropriation des messages médiatiques par des étudiant-e-s en Sciences de l’éducation pendant la campagne présidentielle de 2017. Au plan théorique, nous nous sommes appuyée sur la théorie historico-culturelle de Vygotski (1985), la notion d’artefact de Rabardel (1995), les théories en éducation aux médias, la notion de cadre de Goffman (1991), la théorie de l’acteur-réseau de Latour (2007). Au plan méthodologique, nous avons opté pour une démarche quali-quantitative en utilisant, en particumier, les logiciels CHIC, Tropes et Iramuteq, une méthode d’analyse de contenu (Bardin, 1993) et de discours (Maingueneau, 2014) des outils de langage des couvertures de journaux. Nous avons adopté une approche méthodologique croisée intégrant la méthode d’analyse statistique implicative, une approche psycho-socio-sémiolinguistique etpragmatique. Le corpus a été constitué de 239 éditions de journaux, 293 images des unes des journaux français (20 Minutes, Métro, Lyon Plus, Le Figaro, Le Monde, et Le Progrès) et 15 entretiens réalisés auprès d’étudiant-e-s en Sciences de l’Education. Les résultats montrent que les outils de langage médiatique constituent des instruments techniques via la mise en place de différents procédés, de cadres naturels et sociaux de conceptualisation, via la mise en évidence d’une diversité de visées (pathémiques, persuasives, de faire agir, cognitives) et la nature des styles discursifs (statif, déclaratif, narratif, argumentatif). Les schèmes heuristiques et pragmatiques sont davantage sollicités en 2007 que les schèmes épistémiques dont la mise en visibilité a été renforcée en 2012. L’examen des instruments destinés à la diffusion des savoirs médiatiques non formels et informels au sujet des campagnes présidentielles montre des indices que la pensée se construit et évolue en fonction d’un contexte socio-historique donné avec des formes d’actualisation, de nouveauté et de redondance. La prise en compte d’une dimension sociale, symbolique, privée, consciente, inconsciente est intégrée à l’appropriation des instruments médiatiques mais aussi aux pratiques d’étudiants dans la formation de leurs décisions. L’analyse et l’interprétation de l’appropriation des messages médiatiques par les étudiant-e-s démontrent que la consultation et l’appropriation de ceux-ci remplissent un besoindavantage cognitif, conatif que comportemental. / The aim of this research is to analyze and interpret form of construction, providing and appropriation of senses and meanings of mediatic languages tools about presidential campaigns of 2007, 2012 and 2017 through the french newspapers. Firstly, we wanted to know how can linguistic, iconic and plastic tools of the first page of newspapers can be considered like technictools with the aim of the presidential choice during the period 2007 and 2012. Secondly, we wanted to find out how media language tools can contribute to be psychological and technic through the representations and appropriation of mediatic messages by students in Education Science during the presidential campaign 2017? On the one hand, we have planned to analyze, compare and interpret network relation between construction and providing of tools language used by the newspapers to present presidential campaigns during two historic periods. On the other hand, a complementary study has allowed us to analyse and interpret the representations and appropriation of mediatic messages by students in Education Science. On the theoretical aspect; we based our research on historical-cultural theory of Vygotski (1985), the concept of artefact (Rabardel, 1995), media education theories, concept of frame (Goffman, 1995), the network-actor theory (2007). On the methodological aspect, we have chosen a qualiquantitative method (with the softwares CHIC, Tropes, Iramuteq), a content (Bardin, 1993) anddiscourse (Maingueneau, 2014) analysis methods of language tools of first page of newspapers. We opted for a cross-cultural approach including statistical implicative analysis, a psychosocio-semio-linguistic, semiological and pragmatic approaches. The corpus have been made up of 239 newspapers editions, 293 pictures of the first coverture of french newspapers (20 Minutes, Métro, Lyon Plus, Le Figaro, Le Monde, et Le Progrès) and 15 interviews collected from students in Education Science. The results show that media language tools can be established as technical tools through the introduction of different mechanisms, natural and social frames of conceptualization, through a hightlighting types of discourse (stative, declarative, narrative and argumentative). Heuristics and pragmatics schemes are mainly requested in 2007 than epistemics schemes which have been reinforced in 2012. The analysis of tools made for the spread of formal and informal mediatic kwnowledges or news aboutpresidential campaigns show that the thought is built and it is developed depending on sociohistorical context with form of actualisation, novelty, and redundancy. The taking into account of social, symbolic, private, conscious, onconscious dimension is involved to the mediatic tools appropriation but also with the practices of students in the construction of their decisions. Theanalysis and the interpretation of the apropriation of mediatic messages by the students in Education Science demonstrate that the consultation and the appropriation of this fulfill more a cognitive, conative than behavioural needs.

p. 1-131 / Submitted by Santiago Fabio (fabio.ssantiago@hotmail.com) on 2013-03-14T19:14:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 222.pdf: 4046589 bytes, checksum: e6969271aa65f1ba1489f0ca1b2a93dc (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Tatiana Lima(tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2013-03-14T19:21:29Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 222.pdf: 4046589 bytes, checksum: e6969271aa65f1ba1489f0ca1b2a93dc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-03-14T19:21:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 222.pdf: 4046589 bytes, checksum: e6969271aa65f1ba1489f0ca1b2a93dc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Esta dissertação buscou elaborar, a partir de um conceito de marketing eleitoral proposto, um modelo de análise de campanhas eleitorais majoritárias que não somente evidenciasse a utilização do instrumental inerente ao marketing eleitoral, como também pudesse ser utilizado para futuramente mensurar a presença de atividades deste tipo de marketing em campanhas eleitorais. Para atingir este propósito, inicialmente, resgatou algumas abordagens teóricas e conceituais acerca do marketing convencional, inclusive do marketing mix; do marketing político e do marketing eleitoral; além de abordagens específicas acerca da atuação teatral dos indivíduos e do papel da comunicação no contexto contemporâneo. Em um segundo momento, propôs o modelo de análise, intitulado marketing mix eleitoral, contemplando as seguintes dimensões (e componentes relacionados): candidato (apresentação, marca, personalidade pública, plataforma/ programa de governo e fator dramatúrgico), comunicação (televisiva, radiofônica, através de jornais, telefônica, “internética”, via documentários/filmes, “marketing eleitoral corpo a corpo”, comícios/“showmícios” e comunicação eleitoral complementar), contato (comitê e cabos eleitorais) e custo eleitoral (custo de oportunidade eleitoral e custo de campanha) — além de esboçar os indicadores. Simultaneamente, aplicou parcialmente tal modelo ao contexto das campanhas eleitorais majoritárias, particularmente, das eleições para prefeitura de Salvador em 2004. Em um terceiro momento, esboçou o índice de mediação mercadológica eleitoral e os seus indicadores, além de aplicá-los nas campanhas eleitorais mencionadas. Por fim, teceu algumas considerações finais. / Salvador

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo estudar o financiamento da política no Brasil por pessoas jurídicas, a fim de evocar os riscos que gera para o processo de escolha dos governantes e a fase governamental. A análise dessas questões dá-se por meio de quatro chaves. A primeira trata da capitalização dos partidos políticos e candidatos, a qual demanda fixação de limites por meio de ferramentas de regulação que buscam equilíbrio nas campanhas eleitorais e no financiamento das atividades dos partidos. A segunda versa sobre os dados de eleições nacionais e de pesquisas empíricas sobre o resultado da participação de pessoas jurídicas, correlacionando-o com os efeitos colaterais do financiamento, quais sejam, a corrupção e a influência do poder econômico. O exame de alguns escândalos tem relevância na atualidade, sobretudo diante da possibilidade de subsidiarem reformas que se apresentam necessárias. A terceira aborda soluções encontradas em outros países para equacionar os efeitos da participação das pessoas jurídicas, com destaque para o debate da questão atinente à liberdade de expressão. A pesquisa revela que a Justiça Eleitoral e a jurisdição constitucional brasileira tiveram papel decisivo na conformação do financiamento da política. A quarta consiste na análise crítica das regras do ordenamento brasileiro, inclusive as decorrentes da reforma política, que visam equacionar os problemas diagnosticados no estudo, e das decisões da jurisprudência que lidaram com o princípio da igualdade. Ao final, alinham-se vantagens e desvantagens do financiamento da política por pessoas jurídicas. / The present work aims to analyze the political financing by legal entities in Brazil in order to evoke the risks for the process of choosing the rulers and the period of governorship. The analysis of the issues considers four keys. The first is about the capitalization of the political parties and the candidates, which demands the fixing of limits through regulation tools to seek the balance in the electoral campaigns and in the financing of the parties activities. The second one concerns the data of the national elections and the empirical researches on the result of the participation of legal entities, correlating it with the side effects of financing, in other words corruption and the influence of the economic power. The exam of some scandals is relevant in the present time mainly considering the possibility of subsidizing reforms that are presented as necessary. The third point considers the other countries solutions to balance the effects of the legal entities contributions especially the discussion of the issue pertaining to freedom of expression. The research reveals that the Electoral Courts and the Brazilian constitutional jurisdiction had a decisive role shaping the political financing. The fourth key is the critical analyses of the Brazilian legal system, including the rules resulting from the political reform, which intended to solve the problems identified in the study, and the case law which dealt with principle of equality. In the end, there is an evaluation of the advantages and disadvantages of political financing by legal entities.