The aim of this thesis is to challenge the common assumption that politics alone, as conventionally understood, are what governs societies. To put it differently, the goal is to argue that the cultural arena can also be political. The idea here is to look at how under certain political contexts, cinema becomes political, so obviously so that there is a “need” to censor it. Under such a constraining environment, cinema finds itself in need of finding its own language in order to counter this censorship. This marks the beginning of the creative process. Ultimately, this project makes the rather bold statement that cinema is not a simple entertainment, or else a propaganda tool, but can also be appropriated by the people, as a tool for resistance and opposition, through which dissident demands can be expressed in the face of hegemonic dominant powers using creativity and symbolism as the main processes.

In the following work, I intend to illuminate the importance of the lives and the works of Václav Havel and Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. I have chosen to employ a multi-disciplinary approach - one that will include elements of political philosophy, educational theory, cultural theory, and literary criticism. I will analyze and compare their works, the convergence and divergence of their views, their shared emphasis on the theme of the 'ideological lie', and the lack of an alternative view in Post-Communist societies. I will demonstrate that their philosophical framework is not fundamentally or properly understood by the archaic dialectic between capitalism and communism that has shaped academic discourse for the last two centuries. For that reason, their works and central themes are still relevant; indeed the conceptual framework they have constructed can help illuminate the continued struggles faced by 21st century global society.

La gauche radicale est étudiée comme un espace relativement autonome dans le champ politique, faisant sens pour un nombre restreint d’acteurs politiques. Il s’agit de saisir les effets des dynamiques d’interactions entre entreprises partisanes, parfois alliées mais toujours rivales, sur la recomposition des offres politiques. La thèse associe une approche « par le haut » à une analyse localisée des relations intra et inter-partisanes. Tout d’abord, la première partie opère un retour sur les conditions d’émergence d’une coalition – investie d’une pluralité de sens et d’intérêts par les acteurs – dans un espace politique fragmenté et concurrentiel. Ensuite, dans une deuxième partie, il s’agit d’étudier et de comparer les traits structurants de la sociologie des militants des principaux partis de gauche radicale. Enfin, la troisième partie est consacrée aux interactions et interdépendances entre ces acteurs, à la fois dans l’espace de la gauche radicale et dans le processus d’institutionnalisation conflictuelle d’une coalition partisane. La méthodologie repose sur des données plurielles : exploitation de sources écrites, réalisation de soixante-dix entretiens semi-directifs auprès de dirigeants et militants actifs, recours à des observations directes et réalisation d’une enquête par questionnaire auprès des participants aux congrès du PG (novembre 2010), du NPA (février 2011) et à la conférence nationale du PCF (juin 2011) / The radical left is studied as a relatively autonomous space in the political field, with a clear meaning for a limited number of political actors. The aim is to comprehend the effects of dynamic interactions between political parties, sometimes allies but always rivals, on the recomposition of political offers. The thesis combines a top-down approach and localized analysis of internal and inter-partisan relations. The first part analyzes the conditions for the emergence of a coalition – invested with a plurality of meanings and interests by actors – in a fragmented and competitive political space. In the second part, the structural features of the sociology of activists of the main radical left parties are studied and compared. Finally, the third part deals with the interactions and interdependencies between actors, both in the space of the radical left and the conflictual institutionalization process of a coalition of parties. The methodology is based on various data, including written sources, seventy interviews with leaders and activists, direct observations and a statistical survey conducted at the congresses of the Left Party (Parti de Gauche) in November 2010 and of the New Anticapitalist Party (Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste) in February 2011, as well as at the conference of the French Communist Party (Parti Communiste Français) in June 2011.

No description available.

Cette thèse étudie le rôle de la reine Katherine Parr (c. 1512-1548) et de son proche entourage féminin dont l’aristocrate Elizabeth Tyrwhit (c. 1519-1578) dans l’instauration de la Réforme. En effet, la dernière épouse d’Henri VIII, auteur de deux manuels de dévotion et première reine anglaise à voir ses écrits publiés, s’entourait des Protestants de la cour. La situation confessionnelle complexe de la fin du règne d’Henri VIII fut marquée par un retour au catholicisme strict, avec des restrictions concernant les pratiques, notamment la lecture de la Bible. Cependant, un certain nombre de personnalités acquises aux idées de la Réforme parvinrent à rester en place. Alors que les femmes n’avaient qu’un accès très limité à la Bible (The Act for the Advancement of True Religion and for the Abolishment of the contrary de 1543 le leur interdisait, sauf si elles étaient de très haut rang), une jeune femme, Anne Askew (1521-1546), quitta le domicile familial et intégra les réseaux protestants de Londres où elle prêcha ce qui lui valut d’être condamnée pour hérésie. La faction conservatrice, la sachant en contact avec les dames de la cour, la tortura lors de son second interrogatoire dans le but d’obtenir des noms de Protestants mais elle resta silencieuse et fut condamnée à brûler vive en juillet 1546. Le règne d’Édouard VI permit au protestantisme de s’imposer comme religion d’État puis, après l’intermède catholique romain du règne de Marie Ière, Élisabeth Ière rétablit le Protestantisme ce qui permit à Elizabeth Tyrwhit de publier librement son manuel de dévotion en 1574. Ce travail explore les démarches des trois femmes, leurs témoignages de foi et leur influence auprès de leurs contemporains et au-delà. / This thesis examines the role of Queen Katherine Parr (c.1512-1548) and her close female entourage, including the aristocrat Elizabeth Tyrwhit (c.1519-1578) in the establishment of the Reformation. Indeed, Parr, Henry VIII’s last wife, author of two manuals of devotion and the first English queen to see her writings published, surrounded herself with the Protestants of the court. The complex confessional situation at the end of Henry VIII's reign was marked by a return to strict Catholicism, with restrictions on practices, including reading of the Bible. However, a certain number of courtiers already won over to the ideas of the Reformation managed to keep their positions at court. While women had very limited access to the Bible (the 1543 Act for the Advancement of True Religion and for the Abolishment of the contrary forbade them access to the Scriptures, unless they were of very high birth), a young woman, Anne Askew (1521-1546), left the family home and integrated the Protestant networks of London where she preached, which caused her to be condemned for heresy. The conservative faction, knowing she was in contact with the ladies of the court, tortured her during her second interrogation in order to obtain the names of Protestants but she remained silent and was condemned to burn alive in July 1546. The reign of Edward VI allowed Protestantism to establish itself as the official religion, and after the Roman Catholic interlude of Mary I, Elizabeth I re-established Protestantism, which enabled Elizabeth Tyrwhit to freely publish her devotional manual in 1574. This work explores the attitudes of the three women through their testimonies of faith and their influence with their contemporaries and beyond.

En partant d’une ouverture pluridisciplinaire et privilégiant la relation des études historiques et littéraires, l’ensemble de ce travail se présente en trois parties correspondant à des approches différentes du sujet, centré sur le discours dissident de l’écrivain José Bergamín pendant la Transition. La première partie propose une approche du sujet à partir des problématiques liées à la mémoire dans l'Espagne actuelle et des relectures récentes de la Transition, contexte dans lequel la voix dissidente de Bergamín acquiert une nouvelle signification qui met en cause la marginalisation qui caractérise toujours cette importante personnalité de l'intellectualité espagnole du XXe siècle. La deuxième partie propose une présentation et une caractérisation thématique de la principale source consultée : sa collaboration journalistique avec la revue Sábado Gráfico, qui lui a permis d'exprimer librement son opinion jusqu'au moment où la censure l’a contraint à arrêter. La troisième partie présente une lecture politique et chronologique du discours de Bergamín, comme une manifestation de la dissidence dans l’Espagne de la Transition, fondée sur le refus de la monarchie et la revendication de la république comme alternative. Cette recherche confirme la validité de l'hypothèse principale, qui part de la considération de Bergamín comme porte-parole d’une « España peregrina », grâce à une foi républicaine appuyée sur la mémoire et l'expérience historique et confrontée à l’esprit de réconciliation et concorde de la Transition qui donne son sens à la Monarchie parlementaire actuelle, questionnant toujours sa légitimité d'origine. / Based on a multidisciplinary approach and favoring the relation between historic and literary studies, this work is presented in three sections, each addressing the main topic: the dissident discourse of the writer José Bergamín in the Spanish Transition, from different angles. The first section approaches the subject based on issues related to the Historical Memory Movement in Spain along with a new understanding of the Spanish Transition to democracy. Against this background, Bergamín’s dissident voice takes on a whole new meaning that calls into question the marginalization of this outstanding 20th century Spanish intellectual. The second part presents a thematic analysis of Bergamín’s journalistic articles for Sábado Gráfico, the main source of reference for this research. Through this magazine Bergamín was able to freely express his opinions until censorship brought about his dismissal. The third part offers a political and chronological account of Bergamín’s discourse throughout the previously mentioned articles and portrays a testimony of dissent with the Spanish Transition, based on his opposition to monarchy and his struggle for the republic as an alternative. This research confirms the validity of the key hypothesis raised, namely that Bergamín was the spokesman of the «España peregrina», firmly rooted in a republican faith nurtured by historical memory and experience, opposed to the spirit of reconciliation and accord that guided the Transition and endorsed the present parliamentary monarchy, the original legitimacy of which he never stopped questioning. / Partiendo de una apertura multidisciplinar y privilegiando la relación de los estudios históricos y literarios, se presenta el conjunto de este trabajo en tres partes que corresponden a acercamientos diferentes del tema, centrado en el discurso disidente del escritor José Bergamín en la Transición. La primera parte plantea un acercamiento al tema a partir de cuestiones relacionadas con el movimiento por la memoria en la España actual y con las relecturas de la Transición que se vienen haciendo, contexto en el que la voz disidente de Bergamín adquiere un nuevo significado que cuestiona la marginación que sigue caracterizando a esta destacada figura de la intelectualidad española del siglo XX. La segunda parte ofrece una presentación y una caracterización temática de la fuente principal consultada, que corresponde a la colaboración periodística que mantuvo con la revista Sábado Gráfico, gracias a la cual pudo expresar libremente su opinión, hasta que los problemas con la censura causaron su cese. La tercera y última parte ofrece una lectura política y cronológica del discurso ofrecido por Bergamín en dichos artículos, como una manifestación de la disidencia en la España de la Transición, basada en el rechazo de la monarquía y en la reivindicación de la república como alternativa. Esta investigación confirma la validez de la hipótesis principal planteada, según la cual Bergamín desempeñó el rol de portavoz de una «España peregrina», en base a una fe republicana alimentada por la memoria y la experiencia histórica, confrontada al espíritu de reconciliación y concordia que guió la Transición y que da sentido a la Monarquía parlamentaria vigente, cuya legitimidad de origen no dejó de cuestionar.

Thèse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Essa dissertação apresenta resultados da pesquisa Deslenguada: uma figuração da dissidência em val flores, sob orientação do Prof. Dr. Luiz Gonzaga Godoi Trigo, no contexto do mestrado acadêmico em Estudos Culturais, na Escola de Artes, Ciências e Humanidades, da Universidade de São Paulo, entre os anos 2016 e 2018. O objeto dessa pesquisa foi a obra Deslenguada: desbordes de una proletária del lenguaje\", publicada na Argentina em 2010 pelas edições Ají de Pollo, por valeria flores, escritora lésbica feminista contemporânea dissidente. Tivemos como objetivo analisar a Deslenguada enquanto figuração, abordando a ideia de uma proletária da linguagem, a fim de reconhecer resistências da dissidência sexual em sua obra. A abordagem teórico-metodológica foi qualitativa e fez uso da Análise do Discurso. Para tal, percorremos os enunciados da resistência e da dissidência. A pesquisa teve caráter exploratório, cujos procedimentos foram a pesquisa bibliográfica e a partir de levantamento de referências teóricas de val flores. Utilizamos coleta de dados da internet, tais como artigos científicos, páginas da web, zines e entrevistas. Para abordar as figurações, passamos inicialmente pelos conhecimentos situados através de autoras como Adrienne Rich (1986), Patricia Hill Collins (1990) e Donna Haraway (1995). O reconhecimento de que a produção literária ou as artes, de maneira geral, estão inseridas numa esfera de disputa (econômica, política e social), produzindo significantes que circulam no imaginário social, nos impulsionou a compreender as maneiras pelas quais estas incidem sobre a produção de subjetividades. Concluímos que a figuração Deslenguada é inscrita como um contraponto, numa produção dissidente e imaginativa, perfurando as políticas heterocapitalista branca e patriarcal, que levam os sujeitos da dissidência sexual aos silenciamentos resultantes da opressão masculina e da heteronormatividade que se atualizam por meio da linguagem / This dissertation presents the outcomes of the research Dislanguaged: a dissidence figuration in val flores, upon the guidance of Professor Luiz Gonzaga Godoi Trigo, for the academic masters degree in Cultural Studies, at the Escola de Artes, Ciências e Humanidades, University of São Paulo, between 2016 and 2018. This research object was the book Deslenguada: desbordes de una proletária del lenguaje (Dislanguaged: overflows of a language proletarian), published in Argentina, in 2010, by the publisher Ají de Pollo, by valeria flores, contemporary lesbian dissident feminist writer. Our objective was to analyse the expression Dislanguaged as figuration, approaching the idea of a language proletarian, in order to recognize the sexual dissidence resistance in her oeuvre. The theoretical-methodological approach was qualitative and used the speech analysis and, as for this, weve been through the statements of resistance and dissidence. The research has had an exploratory feature, being the procedures both the bibliographical research and val flores theoretical references survey. Weve used internet data such as scientific articles, web pages, zines and interviews. As to approach the figurations, we first turned to the situated knowledges brought by the authors Adrienne Rich (1986), Patricia Hill Collins (1990) and Donna Haraway (1995). Through the recognition that the literary production is inserted in a dispute realm economical, political and social -, coming up with signifiers that are present on the social imaginary, weve been driven to understand how this falls on the subjectivity production. Weve concluded that the figuration of Dislanguaged is inscribed on an imaginative and unsubmissive production, cracking the white and patriarchy heterocapitalist politics, as a counterpoise that silences the sexual dissidence, resulting from the masculine oppression and the heteronormativity that are updated due the language usage

Abstract The purpose of this essay is to show that John Irving uses differentiating sexuality in his novels as a means of promoting sexual tolerance. This is done by using Jonathan Dollimore’s theoretical framework called sexual dissidence, which stems from a deconstruction of the Freudian usage of  perversion, and applying this framework to The World According to Garp (1978), The Hotel New Hampshire (1981) and In One Person (2012). The results show that, in these novels, Irving uses sexual dissidence through exaggeration and normalization, thereby promoting tolerance of differentiating sexuality. In conclusion, while the usage of sexual dissidence is present in all three novels, In One Person must be considered the so far clearest example of Irving's usage of sexual dissidence. / Sammanfattning Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att visa att John Irving använder icke-normerande sexualitet i sina romaner för att gynna sexuell tolerans. Detta görs genom användandet av Jonathan Dollimores teoretiska struktur kallad sexuellt oliktänkande, vilken har sitt ursprung i demonteringen av den Freudianska användningen av termen perversion, och applicerandet av denna struktur på Garp och hans värld (1978), Hotell New Hampshire (1981) och I en människa (2012). Resultatet visar att det finns bevis för att Irving använder sexuellt oliktänkande genom överdrift och normaliserande och därigenom gynnar sexuell tolerans. Uppsatsen drar slutsatsen att medan användandet av sexuellt oliktänkande är närvarande i alla tre romanerna måste I en människa betraktas som det hittills tydligaste exemplet på Irvings användande av sexuellt oliktänkande.

This study uncovers and interprets the representation of alterity in Schubert’s Moment musical in Aβ, op. 94 no. 2 (1828) and Wilde’s ‘The Nightingale and the Rose’ from The Happy Prince and Other Stories (1888). Furthermore, the study locates and contextually investigates analogies between Schubert’s representation of alterity and Wilde’s. There is a strong likelihood that Schubert was part of a Viennese subculture that was involved in illicit activities and dissident experimentation. Since Maynard Solomon published his essay ‘Franz Schubert and the Peacocks of Benvenuto Cellini’ in 1989, the possibility of Schubert’s homosexuality has received a vast amount of critical attention. Whatever his sexuality, his music has long been seen as containing distinctly feminine traits and subversive elements. Similarly to Schubert, Wilde’s homosexuality and resulting ostracism forms an essential aspect of his life, oeuvre and of subsequent and current Wilde studies. The way in which both Schubert and Wilde’s marginalisation and illicit activities lent a sense of alterity to their works is intriguing. Taking on the loose appearance of deconstructive readings, the analysis of Schubert’s work incorporates musical semiotics, while the analysis of Wilde’s fairy tale builds on ideas raised in the Schubert analysis. The deconstructive readings focus on the binary opposition between the concepts of redemption and defeat as found in Wilde’s fairy tale. The duality between redemption and defeat is shown to have particular resonance with the Romantic image of the artist as messiah and martyr. This study offers the hypothesis that the sense of alterity experienced by Schubert and Wilde is reflected in their works as a longing for the unattainable, a quest for redemption, and that the representation of this alterity is often subversive and dissident. Specific ways in which Schubert and Wilde represent alterity are by refusing climactic moments, by juxtaposing opposites, by symbolising homoeroticism, and by purposefully disobeying stylistic obligations. Copyright / Dissertation (MMus)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Music / unrestricted