This thesis is about immigration discourses among the political elite in Sweden. The focus of interest has been to establish if the racist and assimilationist discourses of the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna, SD) has been influential on the political party elite, and more specifically on whom, and how. Parliamentary debates and opinion pieces written by party elites has been the basis of material for the enquiry, covering the time period 2006 – July 2016. As SD had their political breakthrough in 2010, it is assumed that, provided that they have been influential on the immigration discourses of the mainstream political elite, new elements in the elite discourse mirroring the discourses of SD should emerge after 2010. The results show that some of the assimilationist ideas and negative discourses on immigration pre-existed the breakthrough of SD. The elite of the political mainstream articulated a strong resistance towards SD’s discourses during their first election cycle. However, more negative discourses bordering those of SD emerged in tandem to the so called refugee crisis in late 2015. The crisis can thus be understood as a catalyst breaking some of the taboos regarding negative immigration discourses. At the same time, although assimilationist discourses emerged among other elites than SD, they where always presented in much milder forms than SD’s discourses, who remain radically different from the other parties. These assimilationist ideas and discourses where mainly adopted by the right wing parties the Moderates (Moderaterna, M) and the Christian Democrats (Kristdemokraterna, KD), as well as the Liberal party (Liberalerna, L). I conclude that the adjustments in discourse to that of SD is less than expected, perhaphs as a result of the cordon sanitaire.

The purpose of this thesis was to explore the development of elite sport through national sport policy within a developing country, Jamaica. Taking a qualitative approach, the thesis drew on the SPLISS framework (De Bosscher et al., 2006, 2015) to understand government influence in the development of elite sport, through policy, and to investigate other contributing factors for elite sporting success. A logic model illustrated the input-throughput-output pillars of the SPLISS framework, and aided in the interpretation of both a theoretical and rival proposition (Yin, 2018). This thesis purpose, accomplished in part by exploring the most successful elite sport in Jamaica, athletics (track and field), incorporated three interconnected studies on that developing country’s national sport system, a sport system that produced its first Olympic success in 1948, forty-six years before the introduction of national sport policy. Three interconnected studies allowed for findings that highlighted the roots of Jamaica’s sport development, beginning with the introduction of a school and community sport system by the former colonial British government, and retained and expanded by the Jamaican government from 1962. The findings also highlighted that the school and community sport systems facilitated a local approach to the development and training for athletics. It included factors outside of the influence of government, such as the impact of coaches and role models that assisted in creating a fraternity in the sport through tradition, culture and passion, and established an environment for elite sport. This environment involved a collaboration between educational institutions and the professional local club system, and represents the critical elements in the success of athletics, indicating that the influence of government policies for sport development was not impacting international sporting success up to 2017. The interconnected studies also provided support for gaps identified in the SPLISS framework and the literature on elite sport policy. For SPLISS, the findings provided evidence in understanding what happens when input factors are processed (the ‘black box’) leading to outputs, and national outcomes. For the literature, the thesis found that an historical context is important in understanding the coalescing of micro-, macro-, and meso-level factors for elite sporting success.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T12:06:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta tese tem por objetivo apresentar, no tecido urbano da cidade de Pelotas, os espaços de sociabilidade construídos e utilizados pela elite pelotense nas décadas 40, 50 e 60 do século XIX, após o fim da Revolução Farroupilha. Os espaços de sociabilidade eram locais onde se desenrolavam as relações interpessoais, o que me possibilitou verificar o comportamento coletivo da elite pelotense nesse período. A partir de autores, como Maurice Agulhon, analiso as fontes documentais identificando espaços formais, semiformais e informais de sociabilidade, que foram estudados conjuntamente nesta tese. Entre os espaços formais estão as sociedades de baile e as sociedades culturais e recreativas; o teatro e os hotéis foram os espaços semiformais identificados no período em Pelotas; e as ruas centrais da cidade e a Praça da Regeneração [atual Praça Coronel Pedro Osório] foram espaços informais nos quais se realizavam festas religiosas, cívicas e profanas. O conceito de sociabilidade que utilizo é um conceito amplo e flexí

Este trabalho tem como tema central o estudo das instituições de ensino jurídico no Brasil em sua relação com a política partidária e com o seu papel de formar escolar e culturalmente elites políticas. Tem como objeto específico a análise da Faculdade de Direito de Porto Alegre, desde a sua fundação em 1900 até 1937, a partir do estudo dos agentes que a compunham e sua relação com o governo do estado do Rio Grande do Sul, com a militância político-partidária e com o exercício de diversas ocupações. A Faculdade é enfocada em sua inserção na dinâmica histórica mais ampla, principalmente nos diferentes contextos do jogo político-partidário, e em relação com o papel que a ela foi s ndo atribuído de socializar e formar escolar e culturalmente boa parte da elite polí­ tico-partidária, intelectual, do funcionalismo público e da área jurídica do Rio Grande do Sul, sendo que, inclusive, dois de seus ex-alunos tomaram-se chefes de governo da República: Getúlio Vargas e João Goulart.

Based on multi-sited ethnographic research conducted in South Korea and the United States from May 2014 to August 2016, this dissertation examines elite reproduction of Korean families who sent their children to the United States for their education. Despite recent debates and active discussion on transnationalism and immigration populations, international student communities in American universities, especially those from the upper class of Asian countries, have not gained much attention. By focusing on a specific subgroup of Korean elite educational migrants, or yuhaksaeng, in the United States, my study attempts to begin filling this void and to add further value to anthropological studies. To explore how elite reproduction occurs, I examined the narratives of Korean elite families—250 yuhaksaeng who received higher education from top-ranked American universities and forty of their parents. In addition, I engaged in participant observation of various social gatherings in the Gangnam area of Seoul, Korea; New York City; and other major US cities in the Northeast. Drawing on the ethnographic data, my dissertation demonstrates that elite reproduction is an on-going venture fraught with numerous obstacles requiring continuous and deliberate effort and practice to overcome. It explores how yuhaksaeng and their parents attempt to navigate the arduous process of maintaining and reproducing the privileges across generations. Furthermore, it examines each step and educative practice that the participants collectively figure out within their exclusive transnational elite networks.

研究者主要關注人類公正感的意識加工層面，而忽視其無意識層面。基於文化社會學家的觀點和心理學家的雙通道模型，本研究旨在揭示平等意識（按平等分配）和優才意識（按能力和業績分配）的雙通道過程對行為的作用。 / 平等意識作為人類固有心理特質，操作过程較少依賴認知資源，所以更快、更穩定；優才意識更多是習得的，其操作需投入/收益、能力等信息，較依賴認知資源，因而操作過程較緩慢且不穩定。本研究認為，平等意識較之優才意識對行為有更顯著的作用，因而即便優才意識幫助人們合理化分配的不平等效果甚微。 / 本研究裏採用三階段任務：被試在第一階段通過努力掙得收入，在第二階段啟動他們的優才意識（僅啟動組有此操縱），在第三階段他們進行金錢分配任務。研究用不同的方法來操縱平等意識和優才意識。不平等感通過第一階段形成的收入差異來實現。優才意識通過按優才原則進行收入分配（無啟動組）和啟動方法（啟動組）實現。 / 實驗一的結果支持不平等的主效應，即被試在高不平等情境下分配給自己的錢顯著多於低不平等組（假設1）。盡管結果並未支持優才意識的主效應（假設2）以及不平等和優才意識的交互作用（假設3和4），研究觀察到性別差異：只在男性中觀察到此交互效應，在無啟動組裏男生分配給自己的錢顯著多於女生，而在有啟動組男女分配給自己的數額相似。結果揭示男生更易受到優才意識的影響而分配較多錢給對方，從而弱化自己的優勢地位和實現收入的平等化；而女生的收入在無啟動組已平等化，因而優才意識並未對女生產生顯著影響。 / 實驗二發現，認知資源和優才意識的交互效應不顯著，假設5和6並未得到支持。研究只在女生中觀察到此交互作用，但結果與假設相反，即在認知負荷操縱前啟動優才意識使被試更慷慨，而非將收入平等化。我們隨後證實替代性假設。盡管在啟動優才意識的兩個組裏認知負荷的效應不顯著，有認知負荷組的女生比無認知負荷組更慷慨，而男生的在兩個組裏一直保持與同伴較平等的收入。 / Most researchers have focused on deliberative aspect of justice judgment, neglecting processes through which justice judgment and behavioral consequences are automatically shaped. The purpose of this research is to depiict a full picture of behavioral consequences of justice judgment. Based on ideas from cultural sociologists and dual process models in psychology, this experimental research focused on two widely endorsed but antagonistic distributional rules, the equality and meritocracy rules, and uncovered how the deliberative and automatic processes of equality and meritocratic beliefs shape people’s behavior. / It is believed that equality is both socialized and inherited innate psychological ability, its processing is fast and stable; while meritocracy is believed to be mostly learned, and its processing requires information about a person’s input/output, ability, and contributions, so its processing requires cognitive resources and is relatively slow and unstable. This research proposes that equality is more powerful in determining behaviors than meritocracy; the legitimizing power of meritocracy is weak in many circumstances. / This research adopted a three-stage task in experiments: (1) earned money through efforts, (2) priming meritocracy belief (only in meritocracy prime condition), (3) monetary allocation. Equality was manipulated through income discrepancy in the first stage of the task (high/low inequality); meritocracy was manipulated by a merit-based reward method (in no meritocracy prime condition) and by a priming technique (in meritocracy prime condition). Among the two experiments, experiment 1 was conducted to show the basic pattern of the effects of equality and meritocracy, experiment 2 involved cognitive load manipulation to further explore how the two systems of equality and meritocracy affect behaviors. / Results from experiment 1 supported the main effect of inequality manipulation by showing that participants in high inequality conditions pocketed significantly more money than in low inequality condition (hypothesis 1). Though results did not substantiate the main effect of meritocracy manipulation (hypothesis 2) and interaction effect between inequality and meritocracy (hypothesis 3, 4), we observed unexpected gender difference: such interaction effect is significant only in males; the money males pocketed is significantly more than females in no meritocracy prime condition, but similar to females in meritocracy prime condition. Males were more influenced by meritocracy manipulations which reduced their advantageous inequality, achieving equalized incomes, while the money females earned in no meritocracy prime conditions achieved equality, so meritocracy prime exerted less influence in their behaviors when incomes were already equalized. / Experiment 2 showed that the interaction effect between cognitive load and meritocracy was not significant, thus hypothesis 5 and 6 were not supported. Again we observed gender difference: the interaction effect was significant only in females. However, the result of both males and females were opposite to our hypothesesthat is, priming meritocracy before cognitive load manipulation increased participants’ generosity toward partners. We put forward an alternative argument which fit the current data. Females allocated significantly more money to partners in cognitive load condition than in no cognitive load condition, resulting in a disadvantageous inequality; males in the two conditions maintained equalized outcomes. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Zhu, Yi. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 88-109). / Abstract also in Chinese. / Chapter CHAPTER 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Identifying Problems in Justice Research --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Exploring the Two Systems of Justice Judgment in Action --- p.7 / Chapter CHAPTER 2: --- Two Systems of Equality and Meritocracy --- p.15 / Chapter 2.1 --- Distributional Rules --- p.15 / Chapter 2.1.1 --- Sense of (In)equality --- p.15 / Chapter 2.1.2 --- Two Major Perspectives on Distributional Rules --- p.16 / Chapter 2.1.3 --- Equality and Meritocracy Rules --- p.20 / Chapter 2.1.3.1 --- Equality Rule --- p.20 / Chapter 2.1.3.2 --- Meritocracy Rule --- p.25 / Chapter 2.2 --- Dual Process Models --- p.28 / Chapter 2.3 --- Meritocracy and Equality as Cultural Schemata --- p.32 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- Cultural Schemata --- p.32 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- Equality Schemata --- p.36 / Chapter 2.3.3 --- Meritocracy Schemata --- p.39 / Chapter 2.4 --- Meritocracy vs. Equality --- p.41 / Chapter CHAPTER 3: --- Research Designs and Hypotheses --- p.45 / Chapter 3.1 --- Experiment 1: Basic Pattern of the Effects of Equality and Meritocracy --- p.45 / Chapter 3.2 --- Experiment 2: Unveiling Automatic Processes of Equality and Meritocracy --- p.53 / Chapter CHAPTER 4: --- Experiment 1 --- p.57 / Chapter 4.1 --- Methods and Procedure --- p.57 / Chapter 4.2 --- Results --- p.63 / Chapter 4.3 --- Discussion --- p.66 / Chapter CHAPTER 5: --- Experiment 2 --- p.70 / Chapter 5.1 --- Methods and Procedure --- p.71 / Chapter 5.2 --- Results --- p.73 / Chapter 5.3 --- Discussion --- p.77 / Chapter CHAPTER 6: --- General Discussion and Conclusion --- p.80 / Chapter 6.1 --- General Discussion --- p.80 / Chapter 6.2 --- Future Research --- p.84 / REFERENCES --- p.88

Le 8 mars 1963, un coup d’État en Syrie permet à une secte minoritaire marginalisée au sein du parti Baas, à idéologie radicale et révolutionnaire, de s’emparer des rênes de l’État avec l’appui des militaires et de conserver le pouvoir depuis. Ainsi la Syrie, premier pays arabe à connaître le système pluraliste parlementaire dès 1919, sera soumise à un régime militaire et autoritaire pendant presque un demi siècle. Ce mémoire vise à expliquer comment cette faction, groupusculaire à l’origine, a su profiter des circonstances et des fenêtres d’opportunité politique ouvertes par les comportements de l’élite traditionnelle syrienne, au pouvoir depuis le Mandat français, s’étant trouvée affaiblie, isolée et illégitime aux yeux de la population. Cette fragmentation exprimée par des agitations internes, avait provoqué des décisions contradictoires, des conflits d’intérêts ainsi que des divisions de nature identitaire, générationnelle, sociale, économique, militaire et politique. La Syrie a de ce fait, depuis son indépendance en 1941, été victime du jeu de son élite, un jeu dont ce mémoire est consacré à étudier la dynamique. Cette étude, qui définit le concept de l’élite théoriquement, s’appuie sur l’état des liens entre élites, l’envergure et les modes de leur circulation, pour confirmer qu’une élite fragmentée s’affaibli, perd sa légitimité et mène la société à l’instabilité. Ceci soutien l’hypothèse centrale de l’étude que la fragmentation de l’élite syrienne traditionnelle a ouvert des fenêtres d’opportunité politique devant le parti Baas, minoritaire et radical, qui a su les saisir pour conquérir le pouvoir. / On March 8, 1963, a coup in Syria allows a marginalized minority sect, of radical and revolutionary ideologies within the Baath Party, to conquer the reins of State with military support; and to stay in power ever since. Thus, Syria -the first Arab country to experience the pluralist parliamentary system since 1919, will be subject to a military and authoritarian regime for almost half a century. This thesis aims to explain how this minority faction took advantage of the circumstances and the windows of political opportunity that have opened because of the weakness of the traditional elite in power since the French mandate, due to its fragmentation that led to its isolation and illegitimacy in the eyes of people. This fragmentation manifested by internal unrests, has resulted in contradicting decisions, conflicts of interests and division of nature in identity, generational, social, economical, military and political aspects –all at once. Hence, since its independence in 1941, Syria was a victim of its elites’ game -a game this thesis is devoted to study its dynamics. The study that defines the concept of elite theory, while focusing on the state of relation between the elites and the extent and patterns of their circulation, in order to confirm that a weakened fragmented elite, loses its legitimacy and leads the society to instability. This supports the main hypothesis of the study that the fragmentation of traditional Syrian elite has opened windows of opportunities that the Baath Party, a radical minority, was able to seize power through.

Submitted by Rosivalda Pereira (mrs.pereira@ufma.br) on 2017-12-06T18:50:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JoseCoelho.pdf: 773858 bytes, checksum: 8f64650541468a880323c5f1bfc473df (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-06T18:50:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JoseCoelho.pdf: 773858 bytes, checksum: 8f64650541468a880323c5f1bfc473df (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-31 / CAPES / This dissertation exposes the main results of a research developed in the scope of the Laboratory of Studies on Political and Cultural Elites (LEEPOC / UFMA) entitled "Football and Politics in Brazil: basis of multinotability and imbrications patterns. Inserted on a ongoing studies agenda in LEEPOC, about indifferentiation between social spheres and constitution of domains marked by the overlapping of logics and registers of action in the Brazilian power space, the research sought to apprehend how certain agents combine leadership in World of football (club presidency) and institutional politics (holding elective positions). In the same way, it sought to verify other inscriptions associated to these, such as professional, cultural and associative activities, seeking to characterize the basis of the multinontabilities by the agents. / Esta dissertação de mestrado expõe os principais resultados de uma pesquisa desenvolvida no âmbito do Laboratório de Estudos sobre Elites Políticas e Culturais (LEEPOC/UFMA) e intitulada “Futebol e Política no Brasil: bases de multinotabilidade e padrões de imbricação. Inserido na agenda de estudos em andamentos no LEEPOC, acerca da indiferenciação entre as esferas sociais e a constituição de domínios marcados pela sobreposição de lógicas e registros de atuação no espaço de poder brasileiro, o trabalho em tela buscou apreender como determinados agentes combinam a liderança no mundo do futebol (presidência de clube) e da política institucional (ocupação de cargos eletivos). Do mesmo modo, procurou verificar outras inscrições associadas a estas, como atividades profissionais, culturais e associativistas, buscando caracterizar as bases das multinontabilidades dos agentes.

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