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published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

Lietuvos nepriklausomybės paskelbimas 1918 metais sudarė savarankiškos valstybės egzistavimo prielaidas. Greta politinių valstybės pagrindų kūrimo iškilo užduotis apsiginti nuo kaimyninių valstybių intervencijos, spręsti socialinio pobūdžio problemas bei suformuoti stabilią ekonominę sistemą, kuri padėtų tėvynėje gyvenusiems lietuviams sukurti geresnes gyvenimo perspektyvas ir sumažinti emigracijos srautus. Deja, stabilios ekonominės sistemos formavimas Lietuvoje buvo gan sudėtingas procesas, kuris tęsėsi visą Pirmosios Respublikos laikotarpį. Dauguma to meto gyventojų, tiesiogiai susidūrę su skurdaus gyvenimo realybe: darbo stoka, mažais atlyginimais, socialinės apsaugos stygiumi, rinkosi emigracijos į tolimąsias Šiaurės arba Pietų Amerikos šalis galimybę. / Upon reinstatement of independence of Lithuania in 1918, needed to solve the most popular problem – to lay the independence foundations. Upon reinstatement of political foundations Lithuania had to: protect from neighbouring countries, solve social problems, build a stable economic system. These methods helped in creation a better life of Lithuanians, reduce the prospects of emigration flows. Unfortunately, a stable economic system in Lithuania was quite complex, all of the time of extending the process. Most of the time people were directly confronted with the reality of scarce life: lack of work, social security, low wages, wchich became the reason for emigration to the North or South American countrys.

This thesis examines the immigration process and adjustment patterns of recent Taiwanese immigrants to Canada. Using data derived fiom participant interviews with Taiwanese immigrants living in Vancouver, Victoria, and Nanaimo, the experiences of the immigrants challenge existing literature that groups Chinese immigrants fiom Taiwan, Hong Kong and The People's Republic of China under the same umbrella. The thesis also looks at Canada's immigration policies, how they influenced the type of immigrant Canada seeks and how they contribute to 'backlash racism', and examines Canada's multiculturalism policy and its ability to defend against 'backlash racism'. The findings of this exploratory study, while not able to give definitive answers, are also used to question the validity of recent international migration theories.

The period 1840 to 1880 is important for the demographic history of both Scotland and New Zealand. During the second half of the nineteenth century Scotland had the second or third highest rate in Europe of emigration to destinations overseas. New Zealand became a British territory in 1840 and in the four following decades immigration, not natural increase, was the main source of New Zealand's population growth. Most of the immigrants who entered New Zealand during these years were born in the UK, and of these about one quarter were Scots. Between 1853 (when estimates can first be made) and 1880 Scottish emigrants who went to New Zealand account for 12 per cent of the gross total of Scots emigrating overseas. This was a significant minority of all Scots who left the land of their birth in this period, and for a time emigration to New Zealand was a highly visible movement which captured the popular imagination in Scotland. The thesis asks 'who' were the emigrants who left Scotland for New Zealand, 'why' did they travel 15 000 miles to Britain's farthest colony when other 'established' destinations were closer and cheaper to reach, and 'how' were they enabled to go. As a preliminary to answering these questions, the geographic and social background of the emigrants is explored. The thesis takes a 'longitudinal' approach: nominal data derived from New Zealand ships' lists are traced back to a variety of Scottish sources including vital registers and unpublished records of the census enumerators. Wherever possible the thesis compares these data with similar evidence from other studies and finds that emigration from Scotland to New Zealand was not aberrant from the general experience of Scottish emigration, although Scots who went to New Zealand had a number of distinctive characteristics which set them apart from, say, Scottish emigrants who went to the USA or to Canada. The thesis finds that these characteristics were not the resultant of selective criteria such as the regulations which governed eligibility for an assisted passage on an emigrant ship. However, Scots who went to New Zealand took advantage of cost-cutting facilities whenever they could. This thesis aims to provide a quantitative contribution to both Scottish and New Zealand history. In addition, the thesis treats this particular exodus of people as a case-study to explore a number of themes current in the literature of nineteenth century European emigration. These themes include: the relationship between emigration and the social and economic origins of the emigrants; the relationship between emigration and internal mobility; the role of interventionist forces, such as recruiting agencies, in effecting the process of emigration; and the extent to which emigration can be explained by the self-generating effect of emigration 'chains'. The thesis contributes new data and ideas with relevance to each of these themes. Patterns of emigration from Scotland, and indeed from all of Britain, are found to diverge significantly from common trends detected in the emigration flow from other European countries.

The freedom of movement within the European Union is one of the pillars in which the EU is built and is encouraged as a mean to create a European citizenship. Even though economic reasons for moving within the union are most common, other reasons such as family or education is important in migration decisions. As immigration from member states of the Union have raised since the Swedish accession, many also returns to their country of origin and emigration rates from Sweden are high. Besides economic reasons for leaving Sweden, the family context also plays an important role in immigrants’ decision to emigrate. The aim of this study is to explore what impact family life and especially the presence of children might have on out-migration but also to look into socio-economic determinants of emigration. To analyze this, I use longitudinal population register data on EU-15 migrants in Sweden to apply an event-history analysis. The results suggest that economic integration in Sweden plays an important part as unemployed and having a low income means higher emigration propensities. Having no partner or a partner not born in Sweden means a higher risk of leaving compared to those with a Swedish-born partner, but when information about children is included, having children or not seems to matter more than being in a relationship or not. A closer look at the country of birth of the children shows that having Swedish-born children inhibits emigration while having foreign born children increases the probability to emigrate. The results indicate that having a Swedish born child provides motives to stay on in Sweden.

The issue of refugees and the factors which result in forced migration are of growing importance. Currently, one in every 120 people is living outside of his or her nation of origin by force. There appears to be no end in sight to this situation. This paper seeks to examine conditions within a nation which contribute to the production of refugees. Using a model based on Clark's (1989) early warning system, this paper examines both proximate and root causes of refugee migration. The findings suggest that human rights violations have a proximate causal relationship to refugee production. High levels of state autocracy, low per capita energy consumption, larger rural populations, and a recent negative net migration have an associative relationship to refugee production. Further studies are needed to examine the interrelationship between the proximate and root conditions and their effect on refugee flow.

The role of political discourse in the communication of security issues is fundamental to the Copenhagen School’s framework of securitization. In their work, Security: A New Framework for Analysis (1998), the Copenhagen School set out to challenge traditional International Relations theory by questioning the primacy of state-centric approaches that narrowly focus on military aspects of security. Whilst broadening the areas of security to include economic, societal, political and environmental threats, they also proposed that threats are articulated through the “speech acts” of mainly political elites. By signaling threats discursively via “securitizing moves”, political elites inform the audience of the existence of security threats. However, the Copenhagen School fails to address the political partiality of such pronouncements. The focus of this analysis is to examine the persuasive discursive practices employed by political elites to encourage audience consent with a specific focus on political elite portrayals of inward migration in relation to security. In their work, “Identity, Migration and the New Security Agenda in Europe” (1993), the Copenhagen School outlined a nexus between security and transnational migration within a Western context. Using content analysis and critical discourse analysis methods, this analysis will provide a comparative cross-national study of how migration is constituted as a security threat. By analysing political elite discourse as presented in speeches and as recontextualised in media portrayals in two major South East Asian receiving countries, Malaysia and Singapore, this thesis assesses the applicability of the Copenhagen School approach in alternative locations. Adopting a thematic approach, it examines how migrants are depicted via political discourse as threats to societal, economic and political security and how the feminization of migration in recent years has been depicted as a security challenge. A cross-national comparison of political discourse relating to the migrant/security nexus reveals not only how discursive formulations of security by political elites are constructed in order to legitimise policy and practices, but how similar issues may be addressed differently. Both Malaysia and Singapore have a long history of immigration, which is reflected in their diverse multi-ethnic, multi-racial and multi-cultural societies. Geographically co-located and with a shared historical legacy, both have become increasingly dependent on migrant labour to support economic growth and receive relatively large intakes of migrants from neighbouring countries. Yet, there are significant differences in how migrants are depicted in relation to security. Challenges are proposed to the framework that the Copenhagen School propounds. Moreover, I contend that the constructed nature of political discourse allows the potential for a more nuanced and normative discourse that could desecuritize migration and focus more positively on its benefits and upon alternative non-elite perspectives of security.

M.Comm. / Sub-Saharan Africa is facing a health crisis. The prevalence of disease has intensified in recent decades. The debilitating effects of communicable and non-communicable diseases continue to abound. The disease burden, accompanied by increasing populations has further strained health care facilities. Notwithstanding the challenge of disease, the supply of health professionals remains low and it is worsened by their emigration to developed countries. The objective of this paper is to investigate the causes and effects of skilled health professionals’ migration from the South African public health sector to developed countries and to devise viable solutions. Main push factors influencing the medical brain drain include poor working conditions, inadequate remuneration, lack of funds for specialities and research, as well as the lack of equipment and supplies. These push factors are coupled by intensive recruitment campaigns, better prospects for career development and attractive salaries offered by developed countries. The most important cause of brain drain is the attractive remuneration offered by developed countries. This dissertation discusses ways of mitigating the health professionals’ migration including training, retention, return and circulation of skills or also known as brain circulation. It argues that the best strategy of dealing with brain drain is based on brain circulation because it yields mutual benefits for both sending and receiving countries. Measures that can facilitate brain circulation include intensifying international cooperation between sending and receiving countries, mobilising diaspora networks to contribute to the development of their home v countries and promoting the immigration of skilled professionals from countries that possess excess supply of medical professionals.