Background: Emigration of health-care workers is a problem within global health systems which affects many countries, including Peru. Several factors have caused health-care workers to emigrate, including burnout syndrome (BS). This study aims to identify the association between BS and its dimensions with the intention of physicians and nurses to emigrate from Peru in 2014. Methods: A cross-sectional study, based on a secondary analysis of the National Survey of Health Users (ENSUSALUD - 2014) was conducted. Sampling was probabilistic, considering the 24 departments of Peru. We include the questionnaire for physicians and nurses, accounting for 5062 workers. BS was measured by the Maslach Burnout Inventory-Human Services Survey. Adjusted odds ratio (OR) was calculated using multiple logistic regression. Results: Of the study population, 44.1% were physicians, 37.7% males, and 23.1% were working in Lima. It was found that 2.8% [95% confidence interval (CI): 2.19–3.45] of health-care workers had BS. The overall prevalence of intention to emigrate among health-care workers was 7.4% (95% CI: 6.36–8.40). Association was found between BS and intention to emigrate in Peruvian health-care workers (OR = 2.15; 95% CI: 1.05–4.40). Emotional exhaustion was the BS dimension most associated with intention to emigrate (OR = 1.80; 95% CI: 1.16–2.78). Conclusion: Physicians and nurses from Peru who suffered from BS were more likely to have intention to emigrate. Policies should be established to reduce BS as a strategy to control “brain drain” from health-care workers of Peru. / Revisión por pares

Thesis advisor: Fabio Schiantarelli / This thesis includes two essays that analyze growth implications of emigration and immigration. The first chapter studies the impact of emigrants with different education levels on their home countries' GDP per worker and its factors obtained by a production function decomposition. It uses migration data from 195 countries of origin to 30 major destination OECD countries in 1990 and 2000 and applies an instrumental variable approach to correct for endogeneity bias in estimating this impact. Pull factors of migration such as demand for emigrants' labor in destination countries and migrants' networks serve as a basis for instrument construction. Estimation results indicate that growth in emigration rates increases growth in GDP per worker in low and lower-middle income countries for all education groups of emigrants, primarily driven by improvements in total factor productivity (TFP). In contrast, there is no robust significant impact of emigration on other components of GDP. The second chapter studies the impact of immigrant labor on GDP per worker in the U.S. and its components obtained by a production function decomposition, including total factor productivity (TFP), the capital-output ratio, average hours worked, and skill intensity, defined as a productivity-weighted Constant Elasticity of Substitution (CES) function of high-skill and low-skill workers. It uses industry-level data over the period of 1960-2005 and applies two-step Difference Generalized Method of Moments (GMM) with instruments constructed using past distributions of immigrants across industries. The estimation results show that GDP per worker in an industry increases by about 2.24-2.63 percent in response to a one percent increase in the share of immigrants in total employment of the industry. These results are primarily driven by TFP growth with a magnitude of 2.08-2.21 and average hours worked: 0.23-0.29. However, these results are not robust to inclusion of the lagged dependent variables. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2014. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Economics.

Thesis advisor: James T. Bretzke / Thesis (STL) — Boston College, 2014. / Submitted to: Boston College. School of Theology and Ministry. / Discipline: Sacred Theology.

Poland's political fate and the plight of her exiles during the nineteenth century evoked a mixed response from various sectors of the British population. Five separate aspects of pro-Polish sympathy have been analyzed. The Literary Association's efforts to raise money for the relief of refugees resident in Great Britain were severly hampered and finally crippled by public opinion hostile to charity for foreigners in the midst of domestic distress. Agitation designed to place pressure on the Government to intervene by force in order to re-establish the independence of Poland was never sufficiently strong between 1832 and 1867 to deflect the Government from pursuing a course dictated by national interests. This has been illustrated by a study of public opinion and official policy towards the restoration of Poland during the Crimean War. The attitude of several of the more important religious denominations to the Polish question was not uniform. Roman Catholics feared the destruction of Papal possessions in the event of Polish revolutionary fervour reaching Italy; Anglo-Jewry tended to be absorbed in the problem of its own disabilities while it was difficult for the Poles as a predominantly Catholic nation to avoid giving offence to the Established Church and dissenting sects. Anglo-Polish masonic contacts produced a new form of passive Polonophilism quite distinct from the conventional pattern of demonstrative sympathy for Poland but equally futile from the political point of view. Polish experience of foreign oppression was far more relevant for Irish nationalists than for the English. A backward agrarian economy and the Roman Catholic religion also drew the two nations together. Ireland, however, could offer nothing more substantial to the Poles than moral support and in return was able to profit from sophisticated Polish theories of insurrection.

This dissertation traces the state-directed agricultural migration of 200,000 Japanese farmers to rural Brazil in the 1920s and 30s. From its origins in late nineteenth century Japanese interpretations of German economic and colonial theory to its end in the mid-1930s under the populist Estado Novo government of Brazilian dictator Getúlio Vargas, my research connects this migration scheme to nation-state and empire-building projects in Japan and Brazil. Using Japanese, Portuguese, and English-language sources from archives in Japan, Brazil, and the United States, it argues that this state-directed migration scheme was an attempt by Japanese and Brazilian intellectuals and policymakers to use international migration to solve the crises of rural labor that stemmed from rapid industrialization and economic development. Japanese policymakers believed that their surplus agricultural labor could be settled in isolated Brazilian nucleos, where daily life for settlers was still dominated by Japanese cultural and government institutions. Japanese emigrants in Brazil saw themselves as imperial subjects performing service for a Japanese settler colonial project, and Japanese state institutions continued to define their everyday lives. Japanese government-produced guidebooks and migrants’ own writings in Brazil’s Japanese-language newspapers reveal how the unique circumstances of state-directed migration blurred the distinctions between migrants and colonists. In Brazil, the Japanese found themselves trapped between two competing visions of the Brazilian nation. They owed their existence there to the loose federalism of the Old Republic (1889-1930) that allowed individual Brazilian states to set their own immigration policies. Under the terms of the 1891 Brazilian Constitution, wealthy Southern states, like São Paulo, could offer land concessions to foreign immigration companies without federal oversight, meaning they were free to enact racial preferences for immigrant labor at the expense of the country’s poorer, racially-mixed citizens in the Northeast. However, when the Old Republic fell in the 1930 Brazilian Revolution, the Japanese community quickly became a racialized symbol of the old political order’s regional political and economic inequality. Influenced by new fascist governments in Europe and anti-immigrant sentiment that had swept the Western Hemisphere, the Getúlio Vargas-led Provisional Government redefined national identity and redistributed political power. Furthermore, Vargas’s expansion of participatory politics in the early 1930s merged a strain of nativism with his efforts to erase São Paulo’s regional dominance. His government limited the economic rights of non-citizens in 1932 and introduced the first national immigration policy, a strict quota, in 1934. Through an analysis of Brazilian constitutional theory and the debates surrounding the country’s first national immigration policy – which was written directly into the 1934 Brazilian Constitution – my research demonstrates how regional competition motivated and racialized Brazilian immigration policy at the expense of the country’s Japanese community. As neither Europeans nor Brazilians, the Japanese found themselves victims to more powerful political and racial ideologies in 1930s Brazil. In response to nativist efforts to close Japanese language schools in 1935 and 1936, the Japanese government attempted unsuccessfully to intervene on the community’s behalf. When news of the restrictions on Japanese Brazilian life reached Japan, the Japanese government used it to further justify its withdrawal from the international community and ramp up its colonial efforts in Manchuria. By 1937, when the Japanese settlement experiment came to an end, both the Japanese government and the Japanese in Brazil had already shifted their gaze to Manchuria as the preferred destination for surplus Japanese farmers, and Japanese government officials applied many of the same organizational techniques to facilitate agricultural emigration to Japan’s East Asian colonies.

A bicultural approach to the politics of settler-indigenous relations, rapidly increasing ethnocultural diversity and its status as an ex-British settler society, make Auckland a fascinating and complex context in which to examine contemporary British migrants. However, despite Britain remaining one of the largest source countries for migrants in Aotearoa New Zealand, and the country's popularity as a destination among British emigrants, contemporary arrivals have attracted relatively little attention. This thesis draws on twelve-months of qualitative research, including in-depth interviews with forty-six participants, photo-elicitation with a smaller group, and participant observation, in order to develop a nuanced account of participants' narratives, everyday experiences and personal geographies of Auckland. This thesis adopts a lens attentive to the relationship between the past and the present in order to explore British migrants' imaginaries of sameness and difference, national belonging, place and ‘the good life' in Aotearoa New Zealand. First, through attention to the ‘colonial continuities' of participants' popular geographical and temporal imaginaries of Aotearoa New Zealand, and the lifestyles they associate with it, this thesis is part of growing attention to historical precedents of ‘the good life' in international lifestyle migration literature. Secondly, by examining participants' relations with Māori, other ethnicised groups, bi- and multiculturalism, I expand on whether these migrants' invest, or not, in ‘the settler imaginary' (Bell 2014). In doing so, I bring crucial nuance to understandings of ethnic and cultural difference, and settler-indigenous relations, in globalising white settler spaces. As neither fully ‘them' nor ‘us' (Wellings 2011), British migrants occupy an ambiguous position in ex-British settler societies. Finally, I examine participants' notions of shared ancestry and of cultural familiarity with Pākehā, and, in doing so, problematise the notion of Britishness as a natural legacy or passive inheritance in this context.

This thesis deals with the historical evolution, social networks, and – above all – the political participation of Italian citizens who are resident in London. The value of my research stems from an increasing interest – evident in the literature – in migrant transnational identities and in the political participation of migrant groups both in their home and host countries. Also relevant is the growing importance of London as a destination for Italian migrants. The study adopts a theoretical framework based on political opportunity structure and on the construction of social and community identity. It deploys a mix of methods that involve a questionnaire, ethnographic methods such as open and semi-structured interviews and participant observation, and some elements of discourse analysis, in order to analyse the social and political activity of three components of the Italian communities who are resident in London: the “old” migrants who arrived in the UK between the end of World War Two and the late 1970s; their descendants, the British-born Italians; and the “new” migrants, who have moved to London since the mid-1980s. Comparison across these three waves produces important insights into the development of Italian identity in London over more than half a century. In the three main empirical chapters the thesis examines (1) what characterises the Italian presence, in terms of socio-economic characteristics and identification; (2) how an Italian institutional and associational network, active in London, influences the building of a collective identity in the Italian communities and helps mobilise them; and (3) to what degree and how London Italians think they may contribute to political, social, and cultural change in their home and host countries. The primary data that I present show that belonging to one of the three generational groups outlined above has a great impact on the ties with both the UK and Italy and, in particular, with the Italian institutional and associational network in London; that this network plays an important role in the emergence of a new discourse on “Italianness” among recently arrived Italian migrants; that different forms of Italian identity are constructed and performed by Italians from the three different groups in their interaction with the social and political opportunity structure they experience in London; and finally that all this affects local and transnational political loyalties and behaviour.

A New World, At Last is set on a distant colony world, many thousands of years into the future. The path there has not been direct or bloodless. The humans who colonized this New World are the descendants of an Earth that has suffered cataclysmic climate change, collapse, and a subsequent millennia-long reconstruction. They stand on the shoulders of giants, uncovering and exploiting the technology of the Old Earth in order to ensure that such a collapse, once discovered, can never happen again. These new people, Colonials, set about making the New World in the image of their own. A scant hundred years after they settle the world, the Ecumene arrive. The Ecumene are humans as well, our own descendants, refugees who packed onto massive, life-sustaining generation ships that left Old Earth, burning a slow and steady path towards distant, potentially habitable worlds. The journey for the Ecumene took nearly a thousand years; in this time, a cult of destiny and destination fomented aboard a ship they began to see as their ark. They follow The Path, the way to the promised land of the New World, known to their distant ancestors as their ultimate destination. Due to the realities of space travel, time passed differently for the Ecumene than it did for the Colonials. What was a thousand year journey on the ship translates to a more than six thousand year period of time back on Earth. The massive gulf in time and experience makes for a difficult reunion between these two disparate relatives. Tensions arise as the Colonial Administration attempts to process these sudden arrivals and to integrate them into their system to prevent a complete collapse of their nascent biome. They hold the revelatory memory of a world subjected to poor stewardship and shy away from continuing down that path again. They see themselves as outnumbered and unfairly burdened, the sudden caretakers of a vast population of the children of the humans who sent the Old Earth into a long, terrible dark age. The bulk of A New World, At Last takes place thirty years after the arrival of the Ecumene ark, the Armstrong. A New World, At Last follows Edison Moss, the young son of a Colonial farmer ("agrineer"). Ed has recently discovered that he was adopted illegally; he is undocumented, from an unwanted class. In an act of rebellion, he leaves home on a quest of discovery, only to find that the answers he gets are not necessarily the answers to the questions he wanted to ask. His decade-long journey takes him from the heart of the colony to the frontier; along the way he befriends an agent of the Ecumene's more violent resistant group and becomes a participant in the movement. A New World, At Last also follows the story of an artist contemporary with Ed's time. Victor James Custodio, famous sculptor and crafter of prosthetic bodies for the rulers of Earth, flees to the New World in a quest to outrun a fate that has been chasing him through all of his lives. Victor's story parallels Ed's in a sense as both are, ultimately, pilgrimages; attempts to ask and have answered that ultimate question: who am I, where do I belong, and what do I do about it?

Orientador: José Carlos Barreiro / Banca: Carlos Alberto Sampaio Barbosa / Banca: Ricardo Alexandre Ferreira / Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a questão da imigração chinesa para o Brasil no século XIX, situado no período de 1878-1879, quando ocorreu o Congresso Agrícola e um subsequente e intenso movimento de debates em torno do problema. A mão de obra chinesa foi tratada como uma possível alternativa para a escassez de mão de obra escrava, e uma substituta temporária para a vinda de imigrantes europeus. Todavia, o receio quanto ao imigrante chinês, em função dos preconceitos e das teorias raciais da época, aumentaram o debate a níveis sem precedentes. A imigração chinesa foi discutida por grandes intelectuais da época, como Joaquim Nabuco, e ocupou um espaço substancial na mídia. Um dos principais jornais desse período, a Gazeta de Notícias, cobriu grande parte dessa discussão, tornando-se responsável por mobilizar a opinião pública em relação ao mesmo. Em nosso trabalho, portanto, buscaremos discutir a questão da imigração chinesa por meio de uma análise dos discursos construídos a época, dando ênfase ao papel do periódico Gazeta de Notícias como um dos principais articuladores das opiniões sobre esse problema. / Abstract: The objective of this work is to analyze the issue of Chinese immigration to Brazil in the nineteenth century, situated in the period of 1878-1879, when the Agricultural Congress occurred and a subsequent and intense movement of debates around the problem. Chinese labor was treated as a possible alternative to the shortage of slave labor, and a temporary substitute for the arrival of European immigrants. However, fears about the Chinese immigrant, due to the prejudices and racial theories of the time, increased by great intellectuals of the time, like Joaquim Nabuco, and occupied a substantial space in the media. One of the main newspapers of the period, Gazeta de Notícias, covered much of this discussion, becoming responsible for mobilizing public opinion in relation to it. In our work, therefore, we will try to discuss the issue of Chinese immigration by means of an analysis of the discourses constructed at the time, emphasizing the function of the periodic Gazeta de Notícias as one of the main articulators of the opinions on this problem / Mestre

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