Les romans historiques de Gore Vidal sont un choix idéal pour traiter du rapport de l’histoire et de la fiction. La vision de l’auteur s’inscrit dans la pensée postmoderne qui trouve dans l’histoire le terrain favorable pour mettre en cause les métarécits qui fondent le savoir moderne. C’est une vision foncièrement paradoxale : elle exprime un intérêt sans précédent pour l’histoire tout en cherchant à mettre en cause de la vérité historique. L’écriture de Vidal invite donc à interroger l’existence d’une frontière solide entre roman et histoire, à déceler les lignes de partage et les points de convergences entre les deux types de récits, et à mesurer leur impact sur la réception et la représentation du réel. S’invite également la question de la subjectivité en histoire : elle résulte de l’engagement politique, de l’influence de l’expérience personnelle qui se traduit par l’intérêt accordé à l’actualité, du recours à l’empathie et des enjeux politiques de la mémoire. D’autre part, la conception tragique et radicale de l’histoire chez Vidal s’oppose à l’idée du progrès et de l’« exceptionnalisme » qui dominent l’histoire officielle américaine ; elle recourt à la métaphore rhétorique ; elle valorise le rôle de l’individu et de l’accidentel en histoire. La vision de Vidal mène aussi à explorer le concept d’empire tout en étant sans doute responsable de la dérive doctrinaire de ses romans, et à évoquer les différentes interprétations historiques, progressistes, libérales et républicaines, qui caractérisent l’histoire des États-Unis dans leur rapport avec le capitalisme et l’impérialisme. / Gore Vidal’s historical novels are well suited for a discussion of the relationship between history and fiction. Vidal’s perspective draws from a current of postmodern thought which accepts history as legitimate grounds for casting doubt upon the metanarratives upon which modern knowledge is based. In assuming this perspective, Vidal accepts its paradoxical premises: showing an unprecedented interest in history while questioning historical truth. Vidal’s writing invites readers to doubt the existence of a strong border between literary and historical narratives to identify the ways in which these narratives mutually engage in literary borrowing and differentiation, and then to assess their impact on the reception and representation of reality. The question of subjectivity in history resulting from political commitment will also be considered, along with the impact of personal experience, reflected in the interest in current affairs, empathy and the political issues of memory. Vidal’s simultaneously tragic and radical narrative contests the ideas of progress and « American exceptionalism » which dominate official history, by focusing instead on rhetorical metaphor, and on the role of individuals and accidents in history. This narrative encourages an exploration of the concept of empire in light of a certain drift in the doctrinal approach mobilized in Vidal’s novels. This study gives rise to the discussion relating to the different historical interpretations which connect American history to capitalism and imperialism.

La présente étude interroge la conceptualisation chrétienne de l’autorité et des interrelations politiques dans l’Antiquité tardive, à travers motif assez récurrent dans les textes chrétiens des IVe et Ve siècles pour être considéré comme une stratégie rhétorique, celui des associations ‘empereur-croix’. À la confluence de ces deux référents suprêmes de la souveraineté, l’empereur et la croix, se pense et se construit une autre autorité personnelle ou collective, pensée comme médiatrice. Une association peut se définir comme un groupement entre au moins deux entités, concrètes et symboliques, dans un but commun, celui de la royauté glorieuse de l’empereur, du Christ et de leurs médiateurs. La croix y est sollicitée dans son acception prodigiale, en tant que signe puissant et dynamique, iconique et théologique. Elle peut donc être intégrée à une unité de temps et de lieu ou à un discours métaphorique et allégorique. L’objet de la présente enquête est de démontrer que les tenants d’une autorité médiatrice, qu’ils soient laïcs ou ecclésiastiques, revendiquent une visibilité et une assise politique, que le prince est capable de leur concéder, leurs pairs en mesure de leur reconnaître, et auxquelles le peuple peut adhérer. Par conséquent, les associations ‘empereur-croix’ servent un discours engagé, partisan et conquérant, réclamant ou se réclamant d’une autorité spécifiquement chrétienne. Dans tous les cas, celui qui manipule la puissance de la croix est bénéficiaire de qualités prophétiques qui légitiment son inclusion politique. De ce fait, la qualité médiatrice se construit sur la concurrence entre intermédiaires ou sur l’appropriation de cette qualité par le truchement de la loi, et non sur un conflit avec l’autorité impériale. En associant l’empereur et la croix dans leurs textes, les auteurs fabriquent des interactions, des rapports relationnels, des systèmes de contact, qui, loin d’un paysage binaire, révèlent une véritable dynamique de liens politiques multiples et multiformes dans l’Antiquité tardive et non un essoufflement et une ‘standardisation’ de ceux-ci. / This study investigates the Christian conceptualization of authority and its political contexts by focusing on a rather common but never systematically analyzed rhetorical strategy in the texts of the 4th and 5th centuries: the associations between the Roman Emperor and the symbol of the cross. At the interface between the Emperor and the cross stands another authority, personal or collective, who is considered a mediator. Concrete or symbolic associations between at least two parties usually form themselves under a common goal: the glorious kingdom of Emperor, Christ, and their mediators. In this case, the cross is solicited in its profuse meaning as a powerful and dynamic sign, both iconic and theological; it is thus integrated in a specific setting of time and place or in a metaphorical and allegorical discourse. The goal of this study is to look at the different proponents of a mediating authority, whether secular or ecclesiastical, and their claims for visibility, political basis and public recognition. The manifold associations between the Emperor and the cross are part of a vibrant discourse, which is both partisan and conquering in reclaiming a specific Christian authority; and whoever is able to manipulate the power of the cross gains prophetic qualities that also legitimize political participation. Thus, the capacity to act as a mediator builds upon competition between intermediaries or upon the appropriation of this capacity by legal means, but not upon conflict with the Imperial authority. In associating the Emperor and the cross in the texts, the authors describe interactions and networks of contacts. Rather than breathless and “standardized” processes, these networks reveal the multiple and polymorphic dynamics of political relationships in Late Antiquity.

Co-tutelle de thèse Université Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne / Université Libre de Bruxelles, sous la direction conjointe de Michel KAPLAN (Université Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne) et de Jean-Marie SANSTERRE (Université Libre de Bruxelles) L’épiscopat constitue un fondement essentiel mais méconnu de l’Église mésobyzantine. Malgré la relative rareté des sources, il est possible d’en retracer l’histoire et les grandes évolutions : une part importante de l’hagiographie de l’iconoclasme et post-iconoclaste concerne en effet métropolites et évêques, témoignant du lien fort existant entre ceux-ci et le peuple des cités dont ils ont la charge, particulièrement quand ils sont considérés saints par la population. De nombreuses sources épistolaires, ecclésiastiques et sigillographiques, émanant des évêques eux-mêmes, permettent d’approcher les réalités du corps épiscopal et celles de la société provinciale qu’il représente auprès des autorités centrales. L’évêque apparaît également comme le relais des volontés impériale et patriarcale dans les provinces de l’Empire. Dans un contexte de compétition de pouvoir avec les autorités locales, l’évêque tente ainsi d’imposer le sien propre, dans ses aspects spatiaux, sociaux, religieux et symboliques. L’approche collective et les approches individuelles de l’épiscopat doivent permettre de comprendre les réalités sociales d’un Empire de plus en plus centré sur sa capitale et dont sont progressivement détachées, du moins dans les sources, les périphéries. Une histoire décentrée de l’Empire byzantin passe dès lors par des études régionales mais aussi par des études consacrées à des groupes sociaux enracinés dans tout l’Empire, surtout lorsque, comme les évêques, ils revendiquent la spécificité de leur région et leur attachement à une société provinciale qui constitue le socle de l’Empire. / The episcopate is an essential structure of the middle-Byzantine Church ; however, it remains little known. Although sources are limited, its history and evolution can still be reconstructed, as a large portion of the iconoclastic and post-iconoclastic hagiography deals with metropolitans and bishops. The sources reveal the strong connection between bishops and the inhabitants of the cities under their responsibility, especially when the population considers them as saints. Numerous epistolary, ecclesiastic and sigillographic documents issued by bishops themselves partially unveil the realities of the episcopal group and the provincial society that bishops represent to the central authorities. The bishop also serves as relay of both imperial and patriarchal wills to the provinces of the Empire. Competing with local authorities, the bishop thus tries to impose his own influence in its spatial, social, religious and symbolic dimensions. Both collective and individual approaches of the episcopate make the social realities of the Empire more understandable, as it becomes more and more focused on its capital city while its peripheries gradually move away, which documentation seems to imply. Regional studies, but also studies focused on social groups established across the whole Empire, are the fundamentals of a decentred history of the Byzantine Empire. This is especially true since social groups such as bishops claim the specificity of their regions and their link to a provincial society that represents the cornerstone of the Empire.

This dissertation addresses early British intelligence activities and Anglo-Ottoman relations by viewing the activities of army officers and private individuals as a collective pursuit to safeguard British imperial interests. It offers a new understanding of the relationships between intelligence, grand strategy, and diplomacy before the Great War. It also examines the role that pre-1914 intelligence played in that conflict. The Boer War had shown that the geographic expanse of the British Empire was a source of strategic danger as well as a foundation of global power. The revelation of weakness propelled Britain to begin collecting intelligence on possible sources of conflict in preparation for the next war. A 1906 border incident between Egypt and Turkey marked turning points in Anglo-Ottoman relations and British intelligence efforts. Intelligence began to focus on railways that threatened Britain’s commercial position, on the disposition of Arab tribes who might revolt against Turkish authority, on the state of the Turkish army, and on the extent of European activity in Turkey. In 1914, British policy in the Middle East was unco-ordinated. Needing an effective means of combatting the Turco-German Jihad proclaimed in 1915, London created the Arab Bureau as an advisory organ based in Cairo. It became the central repository for much of the intelligence gathered before 1914. Officials in Cairo and London created new maps, compiled route reports, and assembled intelligence handbooks for distribution. Once the Arab Revolt began in 1916, intelligence helped marshal Britain’s resources effectively in pursuit of victory. Placing pre-1914 intelligence in the context of British imperial concerns extends our understanding of Anglo-Ottoman relations by considering strategic and diplomatic issues within a single frame. It demonstrates the influence of the Boer War in initiating intelligence-gathering missions in the Ottoman Empire, showing that even those undertaken before the establishment of a professional intelligence service in 1909, although lacking organization, were surprisingly modern, and ultimately successful. Analysis of under-utilized sources, such as the handbooks created by the Arab Bureau and the Royal Geographical Society, demonstrates the value of pre-war intelligence in detailed ways. It deepens understanding of the role British intelligence played in the defeat of the Ottoman Empire and shows how one nation’s intelligence, military, and diplomatic bodies operated separately and collectively in an era that presented them with unprecedented challenges and opportunities.

This dissertation addresses early British intelligence activities and Anglo-Ottoman relations by viewing the activities of army officers and private individuals as a collective pursuit to safeguard British imperial interests. It offers a new understanding of the relationships between intelligence, grand strategy, and diplomacy before the Great War. It also examines the role that pre-1914 intelligence played in that conflict. The Boer War had shown that the geographic expanse of the British Empire was a source of strategic danger as well as a foundation of global power. The revelation of weakness propelled Britain to begin collecting intelligence on possible sources of conflict in preparation for the next war. A 1906 border incident between Egypt and Turkey marked turning points in Anglo-Ottoman relations and British intelligence efforts. Intelligence began to focus on railways that threatened Britain’s commercial position, on the disposition of Arab tribes who might revolt against Turkish authority, on the state of the Turkish army, and on the extent of European activity in Turkey. In 1914, British policy in the Middle East was unco-ordinated. Needing an effective means of combatting the Turco-German Jihad proclaimed in 1915, London created the Arab Bureau as an advisory organ based in Cairo. It became the central repository for much of the intelligence gathered before 1914. Officials in Cairo and London created new maps, compiled route reports, and assembled intelligence handbooks for distribution. Once the Arab Revolt began in 1916, intelligence helped marshal Britain’s resources effectively in pursuit of victory. Placing pre-1914 intelligence in the context of British imperial concerns extends our understanding of Anglo-Ottoman relations by considering strategic and diplomatic issues within a single frame. It demonstrates the influence of the Boer War in initiating intelligence-gathering missions in the Ottoman Empire, showing that even those undertaken before the establishment of a professional intelligence service in 1909, although lacking organization, were surprisingly modern, and ultimately successful. Analysis of under-utilized sources, such as the handbooks created by the Arab Bureau and the Royal Geographical Society, demonstrates the value of pre-war intelligence in detailed ways. It deepens understanding of the role British intelligence played in the defeat of the Ottoman Empire and shows how one nation’s intelligence, military, and diplomatic bodies operated separately and collectively in an era that presented them with unprecedented challenges and opportunities.

Dans ce mémoire, nous examinons deux réformes administratives ottomanes entreprises au XIXe siècle : le règlement organique du Mont-Liban de 1861 et la loi de vilayet de 1864. Nous nous sommes concentrés surtout sur les effets du Règlement organique sur la Loi de vilayet qui apparut trois ans plus tard, ce qui nous a amené à poser la question suivante : Pourquoi et comment le règlement organique a influencé la Loi de vilayet ? L'historiographie sur le sujet nous a montré qu'il existe un consensus parmi les historiens sur le fait que l'impact du règlement organique sur la Loi de vilayet était considérable. Par contre, en ce qui concerne la nature de cet impact, les points de vue des auteurs divergent. À partir de cette historiographie, nous avons formulé trois principales hypothèses. Premièrement, nous pensons que le règlement organique de 1861 a transformé le Mont-Liban en un État presque indépendant. Par conséquent, il constituait un exemple extrême de la décentralisation de l'Empire ottoman. Deuxièmement, nous expliquons l'impact du Règlement organique sur la Loi de vilayet par la menace de l'intervention européenne. Ces deux réformes administratives étaient le résultat de mêmes contextes politico-historiques. L'intervention des pays européens, comme dans le cas du règlement organique du Mont-Liban, a joué un rôle déterminant dans l'élaboration de la Loi de vilayet. En dernier lieu, nous pensons que la Loi de vilayet de 1864 ne prévoyait ni une administration centralisée, ni un système décentralisé. Cette loi proposait plutôt un nouveau système marqué par deux courants opposés. Dans notre mémoire, nous avons utilisé, comme source de première main, des documents ottomans conservés dans les archives de Basbakanlık à Istanbul, des mémoires, des récits et des journaux de l'époque. Dans ce cadre, nous avons fait référence aux ouvrages d'Ahmed Cevdet Pacha, une figure politique et intellectuelle de l'époque, (Tezakir-i Cevdet et Ma'ruzat) ; aux mémoires de Midhat Pacha (l'administrateur ottoman qui a appliqué la loi de vilayet avec des petites modifications dans la province de Tuna) ; à l'ouvrage d'Engelhart (diplomate français à Istanbul de l'époque étudiée) ; au Dustur (la collection des lois) et à deux journaux de l'époque (Takvim-i Vakayi et Ceride-i Havadis). Nos sources de première main et la littérature nous ont permis de vérifier toutes nos hypothèses. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : réformes administratives ottomanes, règlement organique, loi de vilayet, Mont-Liban, Empire ottoman.

This thesis focuses on change and persistence of the structure of the international system. It attempts to address the question why hierarchic structures prevailed during the Ancient and Classical eras (3000 B. C. ? 1500 A. D. ). The thesis compares and contrasts the Roman Empire (the Pax Romana period 1st century B. C. -3rd century A. D. ) and the Chinese Empire (the T?ang Dynasty 618-907 A. D. ) as hierarchic structures and the multi-state system of ancient Greece (8th-4th century B. C. ) and the multi-state system of ancient China (The Spring and Autumn and the Warring States Period 722-221 B. C. ) as anarchic structures. The thesis suggests that the moral purpose of the state, the competitive security environment, the desire for benefits and geopolitical and strategic advantages played the major role in the immediate transformation from anarchy to hierarchy. The thesis asserts that the generation of common goods, the decline in transaction costs and the success in securing the commitment of the members and the legitimacy of the system enabled and encouraged the persistence of hierarchic structures. It also re-emphasizes that whereas the persistence of hierarchic systems depends on the existence of several factors, only one factor can promote the persistence of anarchic structures e. g. the moral purpose of the state.

David Lloyd George, who was the Prime Minister during the period of 1916-1922, served in the British Parliament almost half-century. This thesis focuses on his foreign policy concerning the Ottoman Empire during his Premiership. Lloyd George intruded himself into almost every aspect of the &lsquo / Turkish Question&rsquo / during and after the World War I, and was at the &lsquo / centre&rsquo / in determining the fate of the Ottoman Empire. Although, the effect of &lsquo / forces&rsquo / of economics and social elements have replaced the &lsquo / Great Man&rsquo / theory of history, as it is in this case, Lloyd George&rsquo / s role in the dissolution of the Empire can not be truly abandoned. In the episode of &lsquo / building&rsquo / a new Europe and the dissolution of the Empire, Lloyd George worked closely with other actors such as / Clemenceau, Wilson and on domestic platform, Balfour, Curzon and Churchill who all shared the very similar views. Lloyd George, starting from a modest and humble Welsh background, made his way in politics to the top, through his ability and persistent determination and earned rightfully to be remembered as the &lsquo / man who won the war&rsquo / and as the founder of modern welfare state. His determination to &lsquo / finish&rsquo / the Ottoman Empire is often attributed to his devotion to Greece rather than to his personality and imperialistic approach / on the other hand, the British State&rsquo / s role in decision making process in this issue is overlooked. This study, attempts to establish the roles of Lloyd George and the British State during the attempts for the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, and exemplifies the formation and implementation of the policies towards the Ottoman Empire, an end carried out whether due to Lloyd George or otherwise. This study traces in detail the evolution of Lloyd George&rsquo / s and the British State&rsquo / s policies in regard to the Ottoman Empire, and is based primarily on original research conducted in private and governmental documentary collections in England.

Diss.--Philosophische Fakutät--Erlangen-Nürnberg--Friedrich-Alexander-Universität, 2002. / Bibliogr. p. 414-518. Index.

Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Erlangen-Nürnberg--Friedrich-Alexander-Universität, 2000. / Bibliogr. p. 686-763. Index.