This thesis presents a new systematic arrangement of the coinage of the Gallic Empire as the basis for a revised edition of Roman Imperial Coinage. The coinage of all denominations, gold, silver and bronze, are unified into a single structure of issues. In 260, Postumus revolted against the Roman emperor Gallienus and took control of the Gauls. The chronology of his reign and of his successors is reviewed. The short reign of Domitianus II is interpreted as a revolt against the elevation of Tetricus. A rearrangement of Tetricus’s coinage supported by the epigraphic evidence proves that the elevation of Tetricus II to the Caesarship must be redated from 273 to 272. The location of the mints is discussed. Conclusive hoard evidence proves that the main mint was located at Trier, and not at Cologne. The study of iconography implies that choices were not necessarily made by the imperial authorities, but that more freedom was given to engravers than is usually assumed. The use of earlier coins as an iconographic repertoire strongly suggests that earlier coins were brought to the mint to be melted down. Metrological analyses of gold coins of the Gallic emperors show for the first time that silver was deliberately added to the alloy, following a practice introduced by Valerian and continued by Gallienus. The debasement of the ‘silver’ coinage is studied in parallel with its contemporary evolution within the Central Empire. Coin circulation is used in order to determine the frontiers of the Gallic Empire. It is demonstrated that the Gallic Empire reached its apogee between 262 and 265, ruling over Britain, the Gauls, Hispania and Raetia. The nature of the Gallic Empire is discussed. It is argued that this ‘Empire’ should not be viewed as a form of separatism, as often claimed, but as the unintended result of a status quo following Postumus’s acclamation and the long postponement of a final confrontation against the emperor of Rome.

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This thesis focuses on change and persistence of the structure of the international system. It attempts to address the question why hierarchic structures prevailed during the Ancient and Classical eras (3000 B. C. ? 1500 A. D. ). The thesis compares and contrasts the Roman Empire (the Pax Romana period 1st century B. C. -3rd century A. D. ) and the Chinese Empire (the T?ang Dynasty 618-907 A. D. ) as hierarchic structures and the multi-state system of ancient Greece (8th-4th century B. C. ) and the multi-state system of ancient China (The Spring and Autumn and the Warring States Period 722-221 B. C. ) as anarchic structures. The thesis suggests that the moral purpose of the state, the competitive security environment, the desire for benefits and geopolitical and strategic advantages played the major role in the immediate transformation from anarchy to hierarchy. The thesis asserts that the generation of common goods, the decline in transaction costs and the success in securing the commitment of the members and the legitimacy of the system enabled and encouraged the persistence of hierarchic structures. It also re-emphasizes that whereas the persistence of hierarchic systems depends on the existence of several factors, only one factor can promote the persistence of anarchic structures e. g. the moral purpose of the state.

Peu de personnes se rappellent de la présence de la France en Inde. Quelques parties de l’Inde sont restées françaises jusqu’en 1954. À cette date, l’Inde française, consistant de quatre petits établissements (Pondichéry, Yanaon, Karikal et Mahé), était en pleine décadence et éclipsée par d’autres colonies françaises, plus grandes, plus lucratives et plus importantes pour la Métropole. L’Indochine et l’Algérie ne sont que deux exemples. Toutefois, les Français n’étaient pas disposés à abandonner leurs possessions en Inde sans résistance. Le présent mémoire cherche à expliquer la valeur des possessions françaises en Inde et les raisons de la fin de la tutelle française. Le titre du mémoire indique qu’un certain changement a eu lieu dans la politique française vis-à-vis de ses possessions en Inde. L’étude commence par un résumé de la situation politique et économique de l’Inde française depuis la fin de la dernière occupation anglaise en 1814 jusqu’à la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale. L’année 1920 est choisie comme point de départ de la période visée par le mémoire. Portant sur les années 1920, le premier chapitre examine l’hégémonie du parti Gaebelé qui a eu toutes les caractéristiques d’une dictature. Indifférentes à la vie politique de l’Inde française, les autorités métropolitaines étaient surtout attirées par le commerce que la colonie offrait dans la production de tissus et l’exportation d’arachides. Après la chute du parti Gaebelé, l’Inde française a été plongée dans une longue période d’agitation, un thème clé du deuxième chapitre sur les années 1930. Inconscientes de la réalité politique, les autorités métropolitaines ont toujours accordé la priorité au commerce. Durant les années 1940, l’Inde française n’a jamais arrêté de se rapprocher de l’Inde britannique. Ce rapprochement a aussi persisté lorsque l’Inde britannique est devenue l’Union indienne en 1947. Soudainement, les Français ont senti le besoin de réaffirmer leur position d’autorité en Inde française. Le commerce est passé au second plan au profit d’une série de réformes politiques. Toutefois, ce brusque changement de politique fut trop tardif. Le quatrième chapitre, centré surtout sur la période de 1950 à 1954 et vu à travers l’exemple d’Édouard Goubert, a souligné la méconnaissance des autorités métropolitaines des réalités qui confrontaient l’Inde française. Lorsque Goubert a cessé de servir comme porte-parole et principal allié du gouvernement français en Inde, les possessions françaises en Inde furent rattachées une par une à l’Union indienne. Rétrospectivement, les faits économiques, vitaux pour le début du mémoire, sont quasiment absents de deux derniers chapitres. Se retrouvant face à la menace de perdre leurs possessions en Inde, les Français ont compris que l’Inde française était précieuse pour des raisons autres que le commerce. Un accent particulier fut mis pour souligner ces avantages culturels et politiques. De petite taille, les possessions françaises étaient importantes pour l’ordre et la stabilité dans les autres colonies de l’Empire. Parallèlement, elles représentaient des points d’appui pour l’expansion de la culture française dans l’immense sous-continent indien. / Few people today can relate to the presence of the French in India. That said, a few cities in India remained under the control of the French until 1954. By then, French India, consisting of four cities (Pondicherry, Yanaon, Mahe, and Karikal) had reached its irrevocable point of decline, overshadowed by other French colonies that were larger, more lucrative and more important to France. Indochina and Algeria are but two examples. Even so, it must be stated that the French were reluctant to abandon their possessions in India without any resistance. This particular thesis seeks to explain the value of the French possessions in India and the reasons that led to their demise. The title of the thesis suggests that a certain change occurred in the politics of the French vis-à-vis their possessions in India. The thesis commences with a summary of the political and economic situation in French India from the end of the last British occupation in 1814 until the end of World War I. The year 1920 was chosen as a starting point for this thesis. Focusing on the 1920’s, the first chapter examines the hegemony of the Gaebelé party which had all the characteristics of a dictatorship. Indifferent to the political climate in French India, politicians in Paris felt most attracted by the colony’s commerce, especially its production of textiles and exports of oleaginous plants. After the fall of the Gaebelé party, French India plunged into a long period of turmoil and political unrest. This is a key theme of the second chapter analyzing the 1930’s. Unaware of the political realities, authorities in Paris continuously prioritized the colony’s commerce. During the 1940’s, French India never stopped drawing closer to British India. This connection persisted after the independence of British India in 1947. Suddenly, the French felt an urge to reaffirm their position of authority in French India. The colony’s commerce fell second to a series of political reforms. Nevertheless, the timing of this abrupt shift was too late. The fourth chapter, centered on the period from 1950 to 1954, confirms the lack of awareness of the French authorities in Paris for the realities confronting French India. The example of Edouard Goubert is a case in point. As soon as Goubert ceased to serve as the main spokesperson and ally of the French government in French India, the remaining French possessions were incorporated one by one to India. In retrospect, facts concerning the colony’s commerce and economy, while being vital in the beginning, are hardly mentioned in the last two chapters of the thesis. Faced with the very real threat of losing their possessions in India, the French understood that French India was valuable for reasons other than commerce. A particular emphasis was placed on the cultural and political value of French India. Small in area, French India was significant in maintaining order and stability in the other colonies of the French Empire. Simultaneously, the French possessions in India represented starting points for the expansion of French culture in the vast Indian sub-continent.

The present thesis aims to conclude an analysis of political and administative structures in Byzantium and Western Empire from the end of the 9th until half of the 11th century. This was achieved by means of comparison. The author attempted resolve the issue of mutual relationship between the political elite and the ruler and how differences both in the Byzantine and Western Empires influenced the social system. The research included analysis of ruler legitimity, organisation of administration, social mentality and abstract ideas of the state. In the conclusion of this work, the author presented the major differences between West and Byzantium and evaluated future development of both states in regard to internal stability and integration fo political elites. Keywords: Byzantine Empire, East Francia, Roman Empire, Idea of the State

La ville d'Antioche fut parmi les villes qui aspiraient une prédominance à la culture, à l'éloquence, à l'enseignement, à l'art mais aussi à l'artisanat et au commerce. Un lieu privilégié de la rencontre avec le reste du monde hellénique et, en même temps, la porte de l'Asie profonde, une ville puissante du Proche-Orient, une base administrative et militaire de premier ordre.Le but est de décrire une ville ottomane formée de quelques quartiers, sa campagne, sa population hétérogène qui vivent essentiellement de l'agriculture, de l'artisanat et du commerce. Une situation décrite dans les registres ottomans conçus au départ pour recenser les foyers fiscaux, les lieux habités, les activités de la population et la production locale, afin de fixer les impôts à récolter. Ce travail est renforcé par des récits de voyage qui décrivent une situation différente, mélancolique et nostalgique à la fois. L'intérêt est de peindre un tableau de la ville tout en essayant de comprendre sa viabilité dans l'espace ottoman. Associés aux sources ottomanes, les textes des voyageurs sont précieux pour un rapprochement des éléments essentiels de l'histoire de la ville.Enfin, pour mieux comprendre la situation de la ville à l'époque ottomane, survoler l'époque mamelouk nous est indispensable. Nous avons ajouté un chapitre sur la chute de la Principauté latine d'Antioche, la division administrative de la Syrie du Nord, la description de la ville par les chroniques et récits de voyage, les bouleversements et la situation générale sous les Mamelouks. Ce chapitre sert de guide afin de tracer un tableau fidèle et jeter la lumière sur une foule de points demeurés obscurs. / The city of Antioch was among the cities that aspired to a predominance culture, eloquence, education, art, but also crafts and trade. A privileged place of encounter with the rest of the Hellenic world, and at the same time, the door of deep Asia, a powerful city of the Middle East, administrative and military order first base.Meanwhile, this work is enhanced by travel stories that describe a different, melancholic and nostalgic at the same time position. The advantage of this formula is to paint a picture of the city while trying to understand the viability of the Ottoman space. Associated with the Ottoman sources, the texts of travelers are valuable for a reconciliation of the essential elements of the history of the city.In this thesis, the goal is not to show again the saga of the metropolis, but to describe an Ottoman town consisted of a few neighborhoods, countryside, its heterogeneous population that lives mainly on agriculture, crafts and trade. A situation described in the Ottoman records originally designed to identify tax households, populated places, the activities of the local population and production, to set taxes to collect.Finally, to better understand the situation of the city in the Ottoman era, fly over the previous period, the Mamluk era, is indispensable. That is why we have added a chapter on the fall of the Latin Principality of Antioch, the administrative division of the northern Syria, the description of the city and tales from travel disruption and the general situation in the Mamluks. This chapter, we consider it useful and interesting to our thesis serves as a guide to draw a fair and shed light on a host of issues remained unclear.

O trabalho tem por meta resgatar alguns aspectos relacionados à gestão da estrutura macroeconômica do Brasil e de Portugal entre 1850 e 1865, com especial enfoque às políticas monetária e cambial, intimamente relacionadas com a gestão do sistema de paridade internacional de moedas conhecido como o Padrão-ouro, que constitui o objeto principal desta análise. Os objetivos gerais desta tese tencionam, portanto, fornecer substratos a uma reflexão mais sistemática no que concerne a uma presumida conexão entre a dinâmica cíclica dos fluxos de capitais em escala global e os períodos de crises econômicas e pânicos financeiros observados no período, em íntima ligação com o mecanismo de integração financeira que se corporifica no Padrão-ouro, ao qual Brasil e Portugal aderiram em 1846 e 1854, respectivamente. O trabalho pretende, assim, avaliar as consequências da referida integração financeira, bem como das políticas monetárias empreendidas sobre o desenvolvimento do mercado financeiro de ambos os países ao longo do recorte temporal supracitado. / This research intends to examine some aspects related to Brazilian and Portuguese macroeconomic structures between 1850 and 1865, focusing monetary and trading policies, closely related to the management of Gold Standard, the main object of this research. Therefore, the main objectives of this research intends to provide substrates for a reflection about a connection between the cyclic dynamics of capital on global scales, and economic crisis and panics on the same period, closely related with financial integration externalized in Gold Standard, adopted by Brazilian monetary authorities in 1846, and by Portuguese in 1854. This research intends to evaluate the consequences of this financial integration and the consequences of monetary policies over the financial market from both countries along the same period.

Essa tese tem por objetivo analisar as percepções gregas do Império Persa Aquemênida e outros impérios orientais enquanto entidades políticas, com ênfase sobre o olhar remoto de Heródoto. Em primeiro lugar, o autor resume o estado da pesquisa acadêmica sobre as Histórias de Heródoto e sobre as atitudes gregas em relação à Pérsia, num esforço de esclarecer a complexidade das relações greco-persas, que, de acordo com a pesquisa mais recente, não eram apenas hostis, mas repletas de receptividade. A seguir, o autor examina as ideias persa e assíria de império, bem como suas organizações imperiais concretas. Analisa-se demoradamente a iconografia real persa e conceitos políticos tais quais bumi- e xaça-, concluindo-se que estes poderiam veicular uma ideia inovadora de império, embora profundamente enraizada em tradições mesopotâmicas anteriores. Descreve-se a maneira como as fontes clássicas nomearam o império ao longo do tempo, com atenção particular à formulação de autores mais antigos como Heródoto, Ésquilo e Tucídides. O autor se esforça para explicar em cada caso o uso de hgemonía, arch e até mesmo pólis para designar o Império Persa. Por fim, o autor examina a terminologia de Heródoto usada para designar o Império Aquemênida e como ela demonstra uma estratégia de alusões e ressonâncias com implicações críticas quanto à política expansionista de Atenas. Propõe-se que Atenas incorporou as ideias persas de império, enquanto, paradoxalmente, denunciava sua violência e tirania internacional. Essa postura contraditória teve seus impactos sobre historiadores como Heródoto e Tucídides e é uma chave interpretativa instrutiva para as Histórias. / This thesis aims to analyze Greek perceptions of the Achaemenid Persian Empire and other Near Eastern empires taken as political entities, emphasizing the early look of Herodotus. The author first summarizes the state of scholarly research on Herodotus Histories and Greek attitudes towards Persia in an effort to clarify the complexity of Greco-Persian relations, which, according to the most recent research, were not only hostile, but also full of receptivity. The author examines next Assyrian and Persian ideas of empire and their concrete imperial organizations. One analyzes at length Persian royal iconography and political concepts such as bumi- and xaça-, concluding that these could convey an innovative idea of empire, albeit deeply rooted in older Mesopotamian traditions. One describes the way classical sources named the empire over time, with particular attention to the wording of early authors such as Herodotus, Aeschylus, and Thucydides. The author strives to explain in each case the use of hgemonía, arch, and even pólis to designate the Persian Empire. Finally, the author examines Herodotus terminology to name the Achaemenid Empire and how it conveys a strategy of allusions and resonances with critical overtones towards Athenian expansive policy. One proposes that Athens paradoxically incorporated Persian ideas of empire, while publicly denouncing Persian violence and international tyranny. This contradictory stance had its impacts over historians such as Herodotus and Thucydides and it is an instructive interpretative key to the Histories.

Cette thèse étudie la généalogie des représentations culturelles britanniques du Moyen-Orient des années 1850 au début de la Première Guerre mondiale. Nos sources comprendront des tirages photographiques, des récits de voyages et d’exploration, des cartes, des documents topographiques, des archives privées, des articles de presse, des débats parlementaires, des essais, des romans et des documents officiels. À grande échelle, une perspective globale nous permettra d’étudier la construction cartographique de cette partie de l’Orient qui fut baptisée « Moyen-Orient ». Nous démontrerons comment les acteurs de la politique extérieure britannique élaborèrent cette région. À petite échelle, une micro-histoire nous amènera à hauteur d’homme auprès de figures de l’action britannique dans ces territoires de l’Orient, entre Inde et Afrique. Par une étude approfondie de leurs représentations, nous démontrerons que le regard britannique sur cette partie du monde fut pluriel et qu’il évolua considérablement sur quelques décennies. Nous chercherons à établir cette chronologie. Nous relierons aussi les constructions de l’Orient aux idéaux de la société britannique contemporaine, notamment à travers la photographie de ces territoires et leur exploration archéologique. Il nous faudra par ailleurs questionner le rôle des prémisses de la culture de masse dans le dessin des contours de ce territoire éloigné. Le problème de la nature impériale des rapports entre la Grande-Bretagne et le Moyen-Orient en cours d’élaboration nous amènera à souligner le caractère polycentrique et contradictoire des expressions de l’influence britannique sur la région. / This dissertation explores the genealogy of the cultural representations of the Middle-East from the 1850’s to the beginning of the First World War. To this end, I will analyze a wide range of documents. My primary sources will include photographic prints, travelogues, maps, topographical documents, private papers, press articles, parliamentary debates, essays, novels and official papers. On a large scale, an overall perspective will enable me to study the cartographic manufacture of the part of the Orient that was christened « Middle East ». I will assess to what extent the actors of British foreign policy gradually drew this region. On a much smaller scale, a micro-history will bring me at man's height, close to figures of British involvement in these territories, in-between India and Africa. By way of careful study of their representations, I will demonstrate that the British gaze on this part of the world was far from being hieratic and that it evolved within the span of a few decades. I will look to specify this chronology. I will also establish links between these constructions of the East and the ideals of contemporary British society, especially through the study of photographic representation of these territories, as well as the analysis of their archaeological exploration. I will have to question the part played by early mass culture in designing this distant territory. The issue raised by the potential imperial nature of British involvement in this Middle-East to be will call for an appraisal of the polycentric and contradicting expressions of British influence in the region.

Présenter la situation de la société romaine, à l’époque de l’Empire, par le biais d’une partie de sa population, celle des affranchis, nous permet d’étudier une situation particulière vécue à cette époque. En effet, les anciens esclaves deviennent, par la manumissio, des citoyens romains mais une dichotomie se dégage assez clairement : non seulement les affranchis supportent la macula, cette infériorité sociale due à leurs origines serviles, mais nombre d’entre eux vont chercher aussi à dépasser cette fatalité dans l’espoir de se hisser au rang des citoyens les plus influents de la cité. Pourtant, juridiquement, politiquement, intellectuellement, l’image que Rome renvoie des affranchis est souvent dévalorisée ; cela se révèle autant par le vocabulaire officiel et juridique qui servait à les désigner que dans les portraits que la littérature latine nous en a fait. De plus, cette inégalité sera considérée par les affranchis comme un obstacle à leur individualité et ils chercheront alors, grâce à leurs compétences, à leurs ambitions personnelles, parfois à leurs intrigues, à se rendre visibles aux yeux des Romains de naissance libre. A la lumière des sources épigraphiques, nous verrons les secteurs, publics comme privés, dans lesquels cette présence s’est affirmée et comment Rome a pris en compte cette population. La présence et l’influence que les affranchis eurent sur les traditions morales et culturelles de l’époque, créèrent des sujets de réflexion, qu’ils soient, le plus souvent, nés d’esprits critiques ou moqueurs mais aussi le début d’une nouvelle opinion sur la société romaine. / Drawing the situation of the Imperial roman society, through a part of her population, the freedmen’s one, let us study a particular and real life of this period. Indeed, formers slaves become, by the manumissio, Roman citizens but a dichotomy clearly emerge : freedmen not only endure the macula, this social inferiority due to their slavish origins, but a lot of them also were trying to overstep this fatality in order to raise themselves in the rank of the most influential citizens of the city. Nevertheless, by law, politics and intellect, the image of the freedmen in Rome was often devaluated. It is revealing as much in legal and official vocabulary used for define them as in portrays which Latin literature makes of them. Moreover, this inequality was considered by the freedmen like an obstruction to their individuality and so, they had to search, by their competences, their personal ambitions, sometimes their arrangements, to be visible for the free-born citizens. By the light of epigraphically sources, we want to see the different sectors, public or private, in which this presence has spread and how Rome has considered this population. Freedmen’s presence and effect on the moral and cultural traditions of Imperial period created thoughts matters, issued often from critical or mocking spirits but the beginning of a new thinking about the Roman society too.