本研究探索台灣與東南亞籍跨國婚姻子女其自我概念、外表形象與族群認同之內涵及三者概念之間的關連性。本研究以質性研究方法進行，透過參與觀察、焦點團體以及個別深入訪談等多元方式從事資料蒐集並以歸納方式進行分析。本研究對象主要包括了五個類別的青少年：外表具有明顯族群特徵的跨國原生家庭青少年、外表不具有明顯族群特徵的跨國原生家庭青少年、外表具有明顯族群特徵的跨國繼親家庭青少年、親生父母皆為台灣人的跨國繼親家庭青少年以及特殊類別青少年。本研究產生幾項主要發現：(1) 跨國家庭青少年在自我概念上的形塑與一般青少年無異；他們皆能以抽象字眼描述自己，並運用多種不同面向以建構其自我概念。在當中，父母和同儕為影響其自我概念的重要他人。(2)外表亦為跨國家庭青少年自我概念的重要面向之一，尤其是女性。此外，跨國家庭青少年所持之審美觀與一般青少年並無明顯差異。(3)跨國家庭青少年均已發展出初步的族群認同，能選擇自身的族群身份以及運用族群相關線索來區分「我群」和「他群」。同時，外表特徵影響自身揭露族群身份的經驗與方式，具有明顯族群外表者較無彈性選擇族群身份界定與揭露方式。(4)對於擁有明顯族群外表特徵的跨國原生家庭青少年與特殊類別青少年而言，他人對其族群身份與外表特徵的評價，會明顯地對其自我概念產生雙重影響，其中性別亦為一個重要因素。對女性來說，明顯的族群外表特徵（例如膚色黑）容易降低她們對外表的自信。本研究的結果，期望能對跨國家庭及族群研究，相關決策者，以及台灣社會大眾做出有意義的貢獻。 / The aim of this research is to understand the relations among self-concept, ethnic identification and the perception of physical appearance in the adolescents from transnational families composed of Taiwanese and Southeast Asians. The study uses qualitative research methods to collect and analyze data, and the sample comprises five categories: the adolescents from transnational families with identifiable ethnic physical features, the adolescents from transnational families without identifiable ethnic physical features, the adolescents from transnational stepfamilies with identifiable ethnic physical features, the Taiwanese-born adolescents from transnational stepfamilies, and the special category. There are several findings from this research. First, the construction of self concept is similar between adolescents from transnational families and the general Taiwanese adolescents; they are able to describe themselves in abstract sense and present their self-concepts in multiple dimensions. Parents and peers are significant sources of influence in their construction of self concepts. Second, the perception of physical appearance is a significant aspect of self concept in adolescents from transnational families, and this is especially so to female adolescents. Moreover, the perceptions of beauty and physical appearance of adolescents from transnational families tend to coincide with those of the general Taiwanese adolescents. Third, the adolescents from transnational families have developed preliminary ethnic identities, which are shown by their abilities to indicate their ethnic memberships and to distinguish the ethnic in-groups from out-groups. Furthermore, physical appearance tends to affect the ways and experiences of revealing ethnic identities. Adolescents with identifiable ethnic physical features generally have less power to negotiate their ethnic identities. Fourth, to those adolescents from transnational families with identifiable ethnic physical features and the adolescent in the special category, others’ opinions of their ethnic memberships and their ethnically denoted physical appearances can powerfully shape their self-concepts, and gender acts as an important factor affecting this linkage. To the female adolescents from transnational families with identifiable ethnic features, their self-esteem is likely to be negatively influenced by their ethnically denoted physical appearances. The results of this study are expected to contribute to the academic fields of transnational family study and ethnicity, as well as to policy makers and the general Taiwanese society.

本文以「彝族的源流史詩」做為研究對象，透過這個研究，然後更進一步重新省視「彝族」能否歸類為一個「民族」的民族理論上的根本概念。 一、Approche: 文獻大彙整與地圖套疊 源流史詩，內容著重在神話、英雄、族源、遷徙、祭祀等等，其內容非娛樂性質，更因演唱的場域（年節祭祀、喪禮）而有其莊嚴性，也能得到群體的認同。本論文選用源流史詩文本來觀察與解釋彝族，就是基於相同民族應該會有共同的文本，產生共同的感受，包括「創世」的哲學觀、「族源」的歷史認同、「祭祀」的宗教經驗。 首先，從零散文獻裡整理出108篇的文本，並加以體系化。這種體系化，對於目前的民族學/人類學的田野觀察，或文學史/民族史的整體敘述，都是更為宏觀的整合。其次，本論文共繪製21張地圖，並歸納三種套疊形式，讓史詩文本的呈現，多了一項「空間」的概念，製造與彝族的「語言」和「支系」相遇的「空間」，讓我們有機會可以在空間中尋找三者關係的意義，這是前人研究上未能釐清的概念。 三個物件套疊圖：分別是「彝族支系VS六語別VS創世史詩分佈圖」、「彝族支系VS六語別VS創世史詩三大敘事系統分佈圖」、「彝族族源史詩VS六語別VS六祖分支分佈圖」。我們可以看到北部彝語、東部彝語的作品、語言、支系三者可以重疊，但在雲南這三者套疊後，顯得凌亂無法重疊。造成三張圖無法套疊，支系的複雜應該是主因，反映出作品、語言的歸屬問題，而這個問題其實就是本論文想探討的彝族究竟是「一個民族有多個支系」，還是「一個民族集團有多個民族」？ 二、源流史詩的價值與意義 源流史詩包括創世史詩、族源史詩、祭祀史詩三種。它們都反映出彝族祖靈崇拜的宗教根底，也跟民族史緊扣相連。本論文依據108篇的源流史詩作品，做全面性體系化的整理。 （一）創世史詩分成三大敘事系統 本文以自創「情節板塊」的單位來分析39篇創世史詩文本，據此，劃分三個具有特色的敘事的傳統：四川的勒俄特衣系統、貴州的宇宙生成變化系統、雲南的換人種系統。在彝族的多元敘事裡，看到許多不一樣的風格與特色，對一個民族而言，要同時具備所有的特色，誠屬困難。創世史詩的三種敘事系統，可以推論，彝族至少可以再區分三個不同的民族。 （二）族源史詩是以家族史為中心 彝族族源史詩是建立在彝族因父子連名制度而形成的譜系基礎上，由畢摩編纂記錄而產生的作品。整理確定的21篇的族源史詩，集中分佈在貴州畢節與雲南武定。族源史詩以六祖分支故事為核心，在雲南可能受到傳播的影響，故事不夠完整而呈現凌亂的狀況。從集中發展的角度來看，篤慕與六祖分支的故事，是東部彝語區獨有的文本。本文以當代7本彝族史著作來檢驗，可以看出「篤慕與六祖」已經脫離「傳說」而蛻變成「歷史」的一部份。 （三）祭祀長詩充分展現祖靈信仰 彝族宗教類的典籍文獻的重心是在祭經，祭經的內容以祭祀為主，祭祀長詩即是祭經的內容。全面整理後，確定有64篇的祭祀長詩，其中「指路經」文本佔多數，共有36篇。本文試圖從「祖靈觀」、「喪禮葬儀」、「祭祀」三個面向來看各語別彝族之間的差異性？筆者認為，靈魂不滅的觀念是全族所共有的，返祖意識北部彝語區最明顯，東部彝語區只有部分地方有，其他彝語區的返祖意識幾乎沒有，但是從部分儀式內容來看，還保留返祖意識的痕跡。 三、「彝族」傾向為由「多民族」組成的一個「民族集團」 創世史詩的三套疊地圖，證明彝族的支系與語言的關係混亂，因此作品是無法和支系對應。其中最複雜的地區在雲南，北部彝語的四川與東部彝語的貴州，還能產生對應的關係。 族源史詩的三套疊地圖的案例，卻是作品與支系與語言可以三者對應。檢驗結果，可以對應的關係是在東部彝語區的諾蘇、納蘇支系的彝族，其他語別區並沒有族源史詩作品，進而提出該支系已發展為彝族的主體支系，其家族史也成為彝族民族史的主要依據。 祭祀長詩則是在時間的觀念中去釐清彝族的歷史認同記憶，透過「父子連名」與「指路經」的連結，以及祖靈信仰的宗教觀，藉由畢摩的穿針引線，彝族的支系們似乎又可以在「宗教」的影響下，連結在一起。 源流史詩展現民族的歷史觀，足以反映及代表民族的思維，因此源流史詩可以說是文學史與民族史交集下的結晶。因此，筆者將「源流史詩」做為檢驗「彝族」的一種標準。經過這麼多層的討論後，證據是傾向「彝族」是「由多民族組成的一個民族集團」而非「擁有眾多支系的一個民族」。這一個結論，可以讓我們重新拿來檢驗現有的關於「彝族」的「民族史」與「文學史」，同時可以用來檢驗「彝族民族識別」之後的「彝族認同」過程。 / The focus of the thesis is on the “epics of Yi’s origin” By studying them, we may have a closer examination of whether the Yi can be categorized as one “ethnos.” A. The approach: Compiling documents and putting maps together The contents of an ethnos’ epics of origin are mainly legends, heroes, ethnic origin, immigration and ancestor veneration, which are not entertaining. The occasions to chant the epics, such as seasonal worshiping and funerals, make the epics solemn. That lets a group of people identify themselves with their own epics. The thesis observes and explains Yi via its epics of origin since people of a same ethnos are supposed to have the same texts which make them feel the same. The texts include the philosophy view of “creation,” identification with the history of one’s “ethnic origin,” and religious experience of “ancestor veneration.” First, I reorganized 108 epics out of scattered documents and systemize them. Both for ethnological or anthropologic field observations and for the overall description of an ethnos’ history of literature or ethnohistory, the systemization is of broader consolidation. Second, the thesis produces 21 maps and puts them together in three map overlay modes. That adds the concept of “space” to the presentation of the epics and creates the “space” in which Yi’s “language varieties” and “branches” can meet, letting us able to search for the meanings of the relationships among the three – epics, language varieties, and branches – in the space. These are what the forerunners on the study haven’t given any definition for. The three map overlay modes are “Yi’s branches vs six language varieties vs distribution of Yi’s epics of creation,” “Yi’s branches vs six language varieties vs distribution of three main narrative systems of Yi’s epics of creation,” and “Yi’s epics of ethnic origin vs six language varieties vs distribution of the branches from the six forefathers.” We can see the distributions of the epics, language varieties and branches of Northern Yi and Eastern Yi match. But in Yunnan, the result of map overlay appears in a state of disarray. The main cause may be Yi’s branches in Yunnan are complicated, which underlines the belonging issues in the epics and language varieties. Actually, these issues are something the thesis wants to explore to find out if Yi is “an ethnos with many branches” or “an ethnic group made up of several ethnos.” B. The values of the epics of Yi’s origin and history: The epics of Yi’s origin and history can be categorized into epics of creation, epics of ethnic origin, and epics for ancestor veneration. All of them reflect Yi’s religion based on worshiping ancestral spirits and also connect closely with the history of Yi. The thesis tries to study 108 epics of Yi’s origin systematically. (a) Yi’s epics of creation can be divided into three narrative systems. With the self-made “scenario plates” units, I analyze 39 epics of creation and categorize them into three narrative systems – the Lewo Teyi System in Sichuan, the System of the Birth and Changes of the Universe in Guezhou, and the System of Changing Human Races in Yunnan. In Yi’s multi narrative systems, we can see many different styles and features. It’s very rare for an ethnos to have all of the characteristics. Thus, we can conclude that Yi can at least be divided into three different ethnos. (b) Yi’s epics of ethnic origin are centered on family histories. Yi’s epics of ethnic origin which are based on Yi’s family pedigrees built on the patronymic linkage naming system are recorded and edited by bimos. There are 21 well-organized epics of ethnic origin which mainly distribute in Bijie, Guezhou and Wuding, Yunnan. The core of the epics is the branching story of the six ancestries. In Yunnan, the story is not complete and also in a state of disarray. It might be caused by the communication factor. In terms of centralized development, the story of Dumu and the branching of the six ancestries is exclusive in the Eastern Yi region. The thesis explores seven contemporary works on Yi’s history and finds out that “Dumu and Yi’s six forefathers” has departed from Yi’s “legendry” and transformed into part of Yi’s “history.” (c) Long poetry for ancestor veneration sufficiently presents Yi’s beliefs of ancestral spirits. A big chunk of Yi’s ancient religious books are those for remembering the dead whose contents are mainly expressing veneration in the form of long poetry. After reorganization, there are 64 long poems for expressing veneration and most of them (36 in total) are the chi lu ching, scripture of leading the road. The thesis tries to find the differences among the groups of Yi’s language varieties in the aspects of the “concept of ancestral spirits,” “funerary and burial customs,” and “ancestor veneration.” I think that the concept of the immortal soul is prevailing among the Yi. The idea of returning to the ancestry is particularly obvious in the Northern Yi region and can be found in part of the Eastern Yi region. The idea is hardly found in other Yi regions but the traces of the idea are left in part of the rites there. C. Yi is more like an “ethnic group” made up of “several ethnos.” The three sets of overlaid maps of Yi’s epics of creation prove the relationships among Yi’s branches and language varieties are in a state of disarray, causing the epics not really match with the branches. The most complicated area is Yunnan. On the other hand, the epics and branches have some sort of correlation in Sichuan of Northern Yi and Guezhou of Eastern Yi. As for Yi’s epics of ethnic origin, the three sets of overlaid maps show that the epics, branches, and language varieties are related. The situation can be seen in Nori and Nasu groups of Eastern Yi. However, there isn’t any epic of ethnic origin in other language variety regions. Thus I assume Nori and Nasu groups have become main groups of Yi and their family histories have thus become important parts of Yi’s ethnohistory. Long poetry for ancestor veneration aims to clarify the common historical memories of the Yi in terms of the concept of time. Via the linking of the patronymic linkage naming system and the chi lu ching, based on the religious concept of ancestral spirits, and with the help of bimos, Yi’s branches seem to connect together under the influence of “religion.” An ethnos’ epics of origin demonstrate the historical view of the ethnos and represent the thoughts of the ethnos. Therefore, epics of origin of an ethnos can be regarded as something bred by the ethnos’ history of literature and its ethnohistory. Thus, I use “epics of ethnic origin and history” as a criterion to explore “Yi.” Through multi analyses, it is obvious that Yi is “an ethnic group made up of several ethnos” rather than “an ethnos with many branches.” This conclusion can be used to re-examine the existing issues on Yi’s ethnohistory and its history of literature and to review the ethnic identification process of the Yi after Yi was certified as an ethnos.