在中國古代歷史上，漢族以外最強大，與漢族關係最密切、接觸時間又最長久的民族是匈奴；由於匈奴與漢接壤，而前者行游牧生計，後者採農耕生計，生機類型的差異也使匈漢雙方在政治、經濟、外交、文化上有更頻繁的互動與聯繫。尤其是北方游牧民族緣於自然環境及生活方式的限制，在經濟上必需依存南方的農業民族，貿易上的依存性使匈漢兩民族在兩漢四百餘年間時戰時和，或通關互市或彼此對抗，本論文擬藉由深入探究中國兩漢時期匈奴與漢民族間的和戰關係，以期達成下列目的：（一）證清以往因民族本位主義所造成的偏頗史論；（二）根據民族史研究之客觀性原則重新定位匈漢和戰關係；（三）歸納出北方游牧民族與中原農業民族在歷史、文化上的發展趨勢。 本文範圍以兩漢時代匈奴與漢民族之和戰關係為中心，探討匈奴與漢朝本身的興衰及雙方勢力消長、外交策略運用與和、戰間之關聯。為求歷史研究上有整體的脈絡，先簡介匈奴的起源與早期發展；東漢以後的匈奴史事，則另於「匈奴遺緒」一節中加以敘述。 研究方法以史學為基礎，著重政治學、軍事學、社會學、民族學的分析，兼採取泛文化比教法、整體研究法及文化接觸研究法。 本論文內容分為五章十六節，其架構可簡要列示如下圖： ————————— 匈奴的起源— — — —→ 匈奴與漢朝— — — —→匈奴與漢朝— — — —→ 結論 與發展 和戰關係史 和戰關係分析 ↑ ↑ ↑ ↑ ∣地理環境及 ∣漢初與匈奴的關係 ∣匈奴南侵原因之探討 ∣匈奴遺緒∣魏晉時期之 生活類型 ∣漢武帝與匈奴之戰 ∣漢朝之和親政策評析 ∣ 匈奴 ∣起源∣族稱 ∣匈奴內部分裂及臣服於漢 ∣和戰對匈奴之影響 ∣ 南匈奴之列 ∣種族 ∣匈奴與王莽及東漢之和戰 ∣和戰對兩漢之影響 ∣結語 國時代及滅亡 ∣早期發展 ∣與諸夏的和戰 北匈奴之西徙 ∣頭曼單于時期 入歐 ∣冒頓單于時期 本論文的主要限制在於缺乏匈奴自身的史料，探討匈漢和戰關係史不得不侷限於中國史書，例如東漢以南匈奴為正統，致《後漢書》中僅有〈南匈奴列傳〉而無專章載明北匈奴之史事。在撰寫論文的過程中，面臨最大的挑戰在於運用中國史書提供的史料，而避免其中漢族本位主義的影響；秉持民族史研究之客觀性原則評估匈漢和戰關係。未來的發展可由經濟依存、生機類型差異，以及雙方在西域勢力消長，農業民族對游牧民族和、戰的抉擇等方面繼續研究匈奴史。

本篇論文是以獨立初期和軍政府時期所使用的歷史教科書為分析對象，比較兩個版本的歷史教科書在其民族史觀呈現的異同。 緬甸是一個多民族的國家，第一章探討孟族、撣族、若開族這些曾經在緬甸建立獨立於緬族的各民族王朝的歷史，從教科書中對這些民族描述的篇幅比重和敘述時所使用的用詞來觀察兩個版本的歷史教科書中民族史的地位。在第二章中分節討論緬甸和周邊的印度、泰國、中國的接觸，教科書如何描寫歷史上緬甸和這些國家的關係。緬甸被英國和日本殖民，第三章針對兩個時期對被英國殖民和對殖民時代的評價，分析兩個版本對於殖民經驗的描述。緬甸被殖民時期，為爭取獨立經歷了一段漫長的反殖民過程，從殖民時期出現的反殖民運動的描述中，比較兩個版本在國家意識的塑造在觀點上有何不同。 本論文在分析比較兩個時期的歷史教科書時得出以下結論： 一、對於緬甸境內多民族現象，舊版教科書呈現的是緬甸歷史是一個多元的民族史史觀，新版教科書則是建構一個自古以來便是以緬族為主的緬甸史史觀。 二、在對外關係中，新版不同於舊版，新版教科書是以緬族為國家主體的對外民族關係。 三、緬甸被殖民經驗在教科書中，舊版教科書是以徧英立場的的態度來面對被英國殖民的經驗但以負面描述了日本殖民緬甸的過程。新版為了建立排外的民族史觀，把被英國殖民的經驗，描述為被剝削的歷史經驗。 四、緬甸是由部分少數民族和緬族聯合之下才取得的獨立，因此舊版隱藏殖民時期以緬族為主的反殖民運動的描述，而軍政府時期使用的新版，則透過反殖民運動的描述，建立排外、同時凝境內各民族，但是以緬族為中心的國族主義。

本研究回歸邊政研究對新疆少數民族研究的民族史研究傳統，以新疆伊犂察布查爾的錫伯民族為中心，以同治年間所爆發的「伊犂回變」至「新疆建省」這段期間為時間主軸，藉由歷史學之考證、變偽，以及歸納、比較、綜合、分析等研究方法，來處理清朝滿漢文檔案、清朝官書、遊記、回憶錄、民間文獻、田野調查等材料，具體解決1. 清朝成立伊犂錫伯營的背景；2. 伊犂錫伯營的制度；3. 錫伯文化何時產生顯著變化；4. 錫伯文化變遷的內容，等四個研究問題。通過對前述四個議題的完整檢視，本研究得以重新解讀在「伊犂回變」至「新疆建省」這段期間，錫伯民族所持的立場，並進一步填補過去學界對這一歷史時期和歷史事件之研究的空白或是限制。建立在這些較為微觀的民族史研究基礎之上，本研究的研究旨趣，更是要藉此說明新疆各民族文化在長期歷史發展的過程中，所形成的「多元民族、多元文化」現象，以及「你來我去，我來你去；你中有我，我中有你」的這種新疆民族關係，而抽離當前在「內部殖民」或「愛國主義」的二元對立觀點下，或是在民族識別脈絡下所形成「分族寫志」、「分族寫史」的這一既有思維邏輯，對新疆民族關係討論的限制。進而提供當前對新疆民族關係論述的另一種正面思考的方向，以為資鑑。

本文將中央研究院院士杜正勝所提出之「同心圓史觀」，視作一種以建構「民族歷史意識」與「民族認同」為目的之「新官方史觀」。而本文亟欲解答三個重要的問題：第一、同心圓史觀的內容為何？第二、同心圓史觀背後的歷史學發展脈絡與政治史脈絡為何？第三、同心圓史觀對學生的歷史知識與民族認同，可能構成何種影響？ 在後進民族主義的學術發展脈絡上，呈現了後殖民理論家Partha Chatterjee所提出的「現代」與「傳統」並存又衝突的現象。因此，本文以Chatterjee「傳統」與「現代」的民族主義雙面性架構，來探討官方的中國民族（史）與官方的台灣民族（史）之中，史學者在史學方法論、史學理論上的引入與使用過程，如何再現「民族形象」與「民族疆界」在歷史知識生產上的框構作用。兩群懷抱不同民族主義的歷史學者，他們所主張的方法與理論是科學的，但研究的內容卻又是傳統的。而這樣的概念史移植過程，正反應了後進民族主義的知識發展模式。在學術發展的脈絡上，本文並從民族主義脈絡內的知識分子灌注「認同」與「意志」於「行動」的特殊現象，來探討杜正勝個人逐漸涉入政治之動機與涉入歷程。 在政治史的脈絡上，中國民族史觀與台灣民族史觀的發展歷程，皆呈現了後進民族國家同時並進的「國家建制」與「民族建構」任務。筆者以「後進民族國家」所欲達成的雙重計畫—「國家建制」與「民族建構」，來分析兩個時段的政治敘事。在這兩個時段之中，政治領袖如何以重要概念（如「復國」、「台灣人性」）作為支點，來撐起各種政策論述的正當性。並討論在國家建制與民族建構並行的長期過程之中，中華民國雖然具有疆域不確定的特性，但其長期治理現實，卻使國家場域足以提供認同劇碼上演的穩定舞台作用。 在同心圓史觀的具體施行成果而言，則針對兩個版本的教科書，以文本分析的方式研究在「民族史時間」當中的「根源性」、「延續性」與「現存性」策略。教科書的編作者如何以文字、圖象、空間與抽象之概念，來述說教科書背後的民族認同型態。即言「民族內涵如何填滿意志中的空洞的時間」。 總結而言，本文希望藉由學術與政治脈絡的分析當中，探求同心圓理論出現的時代意義：在疆界不確定的共同體上，新的民族成員、新的民族記憶是否可能？同心圓史觀即是這種多重脈絡交錯下的嘗試。

This thesis is a compilation of ethnographic narrative and ethnohistorical research in the form of a case study of the Bunun people of the Laipunuk geographic region of Taiwan. The research encompasses the life experiences of three members of the Istanda family, with cross verification of narrative history from extant documentation where possible. Informants were videotaped, audio taped, and where not possible, extensive and detailed notes were taken. Some informants also served as translators for others; one particularly valuable source is conversant in the Bunun language, Japanese, Chinese, and English, providing invaluable material and insight. This report begins with an overview of indigenous peoples, their prehistory, and their relationship with the greater Austronesian culture. This is followed by a brief survey of each indigenous culture’s social organization, with emphasis on the Bunun. Included is a political survey of major transformational and developmental periods in Taiwan’s history, beginning with the Dutch East India Company period, and ending with the modern Democratic Reform period. I have concluded, based on my extensive work with these indigenous peoples and my examination of available historical documentation, that Taiwan’s indigenous people have endured constant pressure from external forces and, as a direct result, have undergone acute social and cultural degradation from the loss of their native homelands. Nevertheless, vast knowledge is still available from elderly informants born into a relatively pristine Bunun culture. This knowledge contributes to the field of Taiwan Studies by providing an objective survey across the history of Taiwan’s indigenous peoples, offering a view through a previously closed window into the richness of Taiwan’s full history. It is recommended that such studies continue and expand. Key words: Bunun, Laipunuk, Austronesian, Taiwan, ethnohistorical, indigenous

本文以「彝族的源流史詩」做為研究對象，透過這個研究，然後更進一步重新省視「彝族」能否歸類為一個「民族」的民族理論上的根本概念。 一、Approche: 文獻大彙整與地圖套疊 源流史詩，內容著重在神話、英雄、族源、遷徙、祭祀等等，其內容非娛樂性質，更因演唱的場域（年節祭祀、喪禮）而有其莊嚴性，也能得到群體的認同。本論文選用源流史詩文本來觀察與解釋彝族，就是基於相同民族應該會有共同的文本，產生共同的感受，包括「創世」的哲學觀、「族源」的歷史認同、「祭祀」的宗教經驗。 首先，從零散文獻裡整理出108篇的文本，並加以體系化。這種體系化，對於目前的民族學/人類學的田野觀察，或文學史/民族史的整體敘述，都是更為宏觀的整合。其次，本論文共繪製21張地圖，並歸納三種套疊形式，讓史詩文本的呈現，多了一項「空間」的概念，製造與彝族的「語言」和「支系」相遇的「空間」，讓我們有機會可以在空間中尋找三者關係的意義，這是前人研究上未能釐清的概念。 三個物件套疊圖：分別是「彝族支系VS六語別VS創世史詩分佈圖」、「彝族支系VS六語別VS創世史詩三大敘事系統分佈圖」、「彝族族源史詩VS六語別VS六祖分支分佈圖」。我們可以看到北部彝語、東部彝語的作品、語言、支系三者可以重疊，但在雲南這三者套疊後，顯得凌亂無法重疊。造成三張圖無法套疊，支系的複雜應該是主因，反映出作品、語言的歸屬問題，而這個問題其實就是本論文想探討的彝族究竟是「一個民族有多個支系」，還是「一個民族集團有多個民族」？ 二、源流史詩的價值與意義 源流史詩包括創世史詩、族源史詩、祭祀史詩三種。它們都反映出彝族祖靈崇拜的宗教根底，也跟民族史緊扣相連。本論文依據108篇的源流史詩作品，做全面性體系化的整理。 （一）創世史詩分成三大敘事系統 本文以自創「情節板塊」的單位來分析39篇創世史詩文本，據此，劃分三個具有特色的敘事的傳統：四川的勒俄特衣系統、貴州的宇宙生成變化系統、雲南的換人種系統。在彝族的多元敘事裡，看到許多不一樣的風格與特色，對一個民族而言，要同時具備所有的特色，誠屬困難。創世史詩的三種敘事系統，可以推論，彝族至少可以再區分三個不同的民族。 （二）族源史詩是以家族史為中心 彝族族源史詩是建立在彝族因父子連名制度而形成的譜系基礎上，由畢摩編纂記錄而產生的作品。整理確定的21篇的族源史詩，集中分佈在貴州畢節與雲南武定。族源史詩以六祖分支故事為核心，在雲南可能受到傳播的影響，故事不夠完整而呈現凌亂的狀況。從集中發展的角度來看，篤慕與六祖分支的故事，是東部彝語區獨有的文本。本文以當代7本彝族史著作來檢驗，可以看出「篤慕與六祖」已經脫離「傳說」而蛻變成「歷史」的一部份。 （三）祭祀長詩充分展現祖靈信仰 彝族宗教類的典籍文獻的重心是在祭經，祭經的內容以祭祀為主，祭祀長詩即是祭經的內容。全面整理後，確定有64篇的祭祀長詩，其中「指路經」文本佔多數，共有36篇。本文試圖從「祖靈觀」、「喪禮葬儀」、「祭祀」三個面向來看各語別彝族之間的差異性？筆者認為，靈魂不滅的觀念是全族所共有的，返祖意識北部彝語區最明顯，東部彝語區只有部分地方有，其他彝語區的返祖意識幾乎沒有，但是從部分儀式內容來看，還保留返祖意識的痕跡。 三、「彝族」傾向為由「多民族」組成的一個「民族集團」 創世史詩的三套疊地圖，證明彝族的支系與語言的關係混亂，因此作品是無法和支系對應。其中最複雜的地區在雲南，北部彝語的四川與東部彝語的貴州，還能產生對應的關係。 族源史詩的三套疊地圖的案例，卻是作品與支系與語言可以三者對應。檢驗結果，可以對應的關係是在東部彝語區的諾蘇、納蘇支系的彝族，其他語別區並沒有族源史詩作品，進而提出該支系已發展為彝族的主體支系，其家族史也成為彝族民族史的主要依據。 祭祀長詩則是在時間的觀念中去釐清彝族的歷史認同記憶，透過「父子連名」與「指路經」的連結，以及祖靈信仰的宗教觀，藉由畢摩的穿針引線，彝族的支系們似乎又可以在「宗教」的影響下，連結在一起。 源流史詩展現民族的歷史觀，足以反映及代表民族的思維，因此源流史詩可以說是文學史與民族史交集下的結晶。因此，筆者將「源流史詩」做為檢驗「彝族」的一種標準。經過這麼多層的討論後，證據是傾向「彝族」是「由多民族組成的一個民族集團」而非「擁有眾多支系的一個民族」。這一個結論，可以讓我們重新拿來檢驗現有的關於「彝族」的「民族史」與「文學史」，同時可以用來檢驗「彝族民族識別」之後的「彝族認同」過程。 / The focus of the thesis is on the “epics of Yi’s origin” By studying them, we may have a closer examination of whether the Yi can be categorized as one “ethnos.” A. The approach: Compiling documents and putting maps together The contents of an ethnos’ epics of origin are mainly legends, heroes, ethnic origin, immigration and ancestor veneration, which are not entertaining. The occasions to chant the epics, such as seasonal worshiping and funerals, make the epics solemn. That lets a group of people identify themselves with their own epics. The thesis observes and explains Yi via its epics of origin since people of a same ethnos are supposed to have the same texts which make them feel the same. The texts include the philosophy view of “creation,” identification with the history of one’s “ethnic origin,” and religious experience of “ancestor veneration.” First, I reorganized 108 epics out of scattered documents and systemize them. Both for ethnological or anthropologic field observations and for the overall description of an ethnos’ history of literature or ethnohistory, the systemization is of broader consolidation. Second, the thesis produces 21 maps and puts them together in three map overlay modes. That adds the concept of “space” to the presentation of the epics and creates the “space” in which Yi’s “language varieties” and “branches” can meet, letting us able to search for the meanings of the relationships among the three – epics, language varieties, and branches – in the space. These are what the forerunners on the study haven’t given any definition for. The three map overlay modes are “Yi’s branches vs six language varieties vs distribution of Yi’s epics of creation,” “Yi’s branches vs six language varieties vs distribution of three main narrative systems of Yi’s epics of creation,” and “Yi’s epics of ethnic origin vs six language varieties vs distribution of the branches from the six forefathers.” We can see the distributions of the epics, language varieties and branches of Northern Yi and Eastern Yi match. But in Yunnan, the result of map overlay appears in a state of disarray. The main cause may be Yi’s branches in Yunnan are complicated, which underlines the belonging issues in the epics and language varieties. Actually, these issues are something the thesis wants to explore to find out if Yi is “an ethnos with many branches” or “an ethnic group made up of several ethnos.” B. The values of the epics of Yi’s origin and history: The epics of Yi’s origin and history can be categorized into epics of creation, epics of ethnic origin, and epics for ancestor veneration. All of them reflect Yi’s religion based on worshiping ancestral spirits and also connect closely with the history of Yi. The thesis tries to study 108 epics of Yi’s origin systematically. (a) Yi’s epics of creation can be divided into three narrative systems. With the self-made “scenario plates” units, I analyze 39 epics of creation and categorize them into three narrative systems – the Lewo Teyi System in Sichuan, the System of the Birth and Changes of the Universe in Guezhou, and the System of Changing Human Races in Yunnan. In Yi’s multi narrative systems, we can see many different styles and features. It’s very rare for an ethnos to have all of the characteristics. Thus, we can conclude that Yi can at least be divided into three different ethnos. (b) Yi’s epics of ethnic origin are centered on family histories. Yi’s epics of ethnic origin which are based on Yi’s family pedigrees built on the patronymic linkage naming system are recorded and edited by bimos. There are 21 well-organized epics of ethnic origin which mainly distribute in Bijie, Guezhou and Wuding, Yunnan. The core of the epics is the branching story of the six ancestries. In Yunnan, the story is not complete and also in a state of disarray. It might be caused by the communication factor. In terms of centralized development, the story of Dumu and the branching of the six ancestries is exclusive in the Eastern Yi region. The thesis explores seven contemporary works on Yi’s history and finds out that “Dumu and Yi’s six forefathers” has departed from Yi’s “legendry” and transformed into part of Yi’s “history.” (c) Long poetry for ancestor veneration sufficiently presents Yi’s beliefs of ancestral spirits. A big chunk of Yi’s ancient religious books are those for remembering the dead whose contents are mainly expressing veneration in the form of long poetry. After reorganization, there are 64 long poems for expressing veneration and most of them (36 in total) are the chi lu ching, scripture of leading the road. The thesis tries to find the differences among the groups of Yi’s language varieties in the aspects of the “concept of ancestral spirits,” “funerary and burial customs,” and “ancestor veneration.” I think that the concept of the immortal soul is prevailing among the Yi. The idea of returning to the ancestry is particularly obvious in the Northern Yi region and can be found in part of the Eastern Yi region. The idea is hardly found in other Yi regions but the traces of the idea are left in part of the rites there. C. Yi is more like an “ethnic group” made up of “several ethnos.” The three sets of overlaid maps of Yi’s epics of creation prove the relationships among Yi’s branches and language varieties are in a state of disarray, causing the epics not really match with the branches. The most complicated area is Yunnan. On the other hand, the epics and branches have some sort of correlation in Sichuan of Northern Yi and Guezhou of Eastern Yi. As for Yi’s epics of ethnic origin, the three sets of overlaid maps show that the epics, branches, and language varieties are related. The situation can be seen in Nori and Nasu groups of Eastern Yi. However, there isn’t any epic of ethnic origin in other language variety regions. Thus I assume Nori and Nasu groups have become main groups of Yi and their family histories have thus become important parts of Yi’s ethnohistory. Long poetry for ancestor veneration aims to clarify the common historical memories of the Yi in terms of the concept of time. Via the linking of the patronymic linkage naming system and the chi lu ching, based on the religious concept of ancestral spirits, and with the help of bimos, Yi’s branches seem to connect together under the influence of “religion.” An ethnos’ epics of origin demonstrate the historical view of the ethnos and represent the thoughts of the ethnos. Therefore, epics of origin of an ethnos can be regarded as something bred by the ethnos’ history of literature and its ethnohistory. Thus, I use “epics of ethnic origin and history” as a criterion to explore “Yi.” Through multi analyses, it is obvious that Yi is “an ethnic group made up of several ethnos” rather than “an ethnos with many branches.” This conclusion can be used to re-examine the existing issues on Yi’s ethnohistory and its history of literature and to review the ethnic identification process of the Yi after Yi was certified as an ethnos.