abstract: Naming and naming practices take place at various sites associated with international politics. These sites include border crossings, migrations, diasporas, town halls, and offices of political parties representing minorities. This project is an investigation of these and other sites. It takes seriously questions of names and naming practices and particularly asks how people participate in these practices, often doing so with states and state authorities. It not only looks at and discusses how people proceed in these practices but also assesses the implications for people regarding how and when they can be at home as well as how and where they can move. Through an ethnography of Aegean Macedonians involving interviews, participant observation, and archival research, I find that naming practices occur well beyond the sites where they are expected. Names themselves are the result of negotiation and are controlled neither by their bearers nor those who would name. Similarity of demonyms with toponyms, do not ensure that bearers of such demonyms will be at home in the place that shares there name. Changes in names significance of names occur rapidly and these names turn home into abroad and hosts into guests. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Political Science 2014

La thèse porte sur l'analyse des discours de trois chefs d'exécutif durant la crise de la zone euro (José Luis Zapatero, Mariano Rajoy et Mario Monti). À travers l'analyse des récits, des métaphores et l'analyse lexicométrique de ces discours, elle interroge les caractéristiques communes du discours de justification des plans d'austérité, qui tiennent essentiellement à la redéfinition des rapports entre économie et politique d'une part (restructuring), à la reconfiguration de la relation entre les différents niveaux d'exercice de ces activités d'autre part (rescaling), et aux tensions que ces deux dimensions génèrent en termes de légitimation politique. / This PhD dissertation focuses on the discourse of three heads of governement during the Eurozone crisis (José Luis Zapatero, Mariano Rajoy and Mario Monti). Through narrative, metaphor and lexicographic analysis, it investigates the common features of austerity discourse beyond partisan or national peculiarities. These common features relate mainly to the redefinition of the relation between the economic and political spheres (restructuring), to the reconfiguration of the relation between the various levels of these activities (rescaling), and to the tensions that these dimensions create in terms of political legitimacy. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Labour force in the art sector is characterised by high qualification, but low income for those people who perform the core contribution in art, i.e. the artists. As artists are typically self-dependent in managing their business, they should have managerial skills besides those skills necessary to perform their artistic core activities. If the lack of managerial skills is a reason why artists fail to make a living from their talent, then this chain of cause and effect could be ruptured by adequate educational opportunities. This paper analyses the curricula of a wide range of institutions offering art education programmes and identifies their managerial learning content. In doing so, we focused on German-speaking countries, the so-called DACH region (i.e. Germany, Austria and Switzerland, whereas D, A and CH are country codes). We identified and analysed 159 course syllabi of 81 art universities, schools and academies. The results of our study indicate a lack of managerial learning contents: a vast majority of institutions follow a rather traditional approach to art education, focusing solely on artistic competences. We suggest the implementation of managerial learning contents to better prepare art students for successful careers in the arts.

In this dissertation, I examine the evolution of the Gypsy trope in Romantic French literature at a time when nostalgia became a powerful aesthetic and political tool used by varying sides of an ideological war. Long considered a transient outsider who did not view time or privilege the past in the same way Europeans did, the Gypsy, I argue, became a useful way for France's writers to contain and tame the transience they felt interrupted nostalgia's attempt to recapture a lost past. My work specifically looks at the development of this trope within a thirty-year period that begins in 1823, just before Charles X became France's last Bourbon king, and ends just after Louis-Napoleon declared himself Emperor of France in 1852. Beginning with Quentin Durward (1823), Walter Scott's first historical novel about France, and the French novel that looked to it for inspiration, Victor Hugo's Notre-Dame de Paris (1831), I show how the Gypsy became a character that communicated a fear that France was recklessly forgetting and destroying the monuments and narratives that had long preserved its pre-revolutionary past. While these novels became models in how nostalgia could be deployed to seduce France back into a relationship with a particular past, I also look at how the Gypsy trope is transformed some fifteen years later when nostalgia for Napoleon nearly leads France into two international conflicts and eventually traps the French into what George Sand called a dangerous "bail avec le pass&eacute." In new readings of Prosper Mérimée's Carmen (1845) and George Sand's La Filleule (1853), I argue that both authors personify the dangers of recapturing the past, albeit in two very different ways. While Mérimée makes nostalgia and the Gypsy accomplices, George Sand gives France an admirable Gypsy heroine, a young woman who offers readers a way out of nostalgia's viscous circle. I conclude by arguing that nostalgia and this Romantic trope found their way back into France at the dawn of a new millennium, and the Gypsy has once again been typecast in art and politics as deviant for refusing to dwell in or on the past. / Romance Languages and Literatures

This study examines Slovak dialect perceptions from 311 participants in 9 municipalities in Slovakia. Data were collected between 2016 and 2017, utilizing a map task, degree of difference ratings, and other Likert scale tasks to assess participants’ perceptions of and attitudes about dialects in Slovakia. Participants received blank maps of Slovakia on which to elicit participants’ perceptions of where isoglosses (dialect boundaries) lie. They drew their own isoglosses and were asked to label each dialect region contained within them. Content Analysis was used to code each label for semantic field in order to create composite maps for each label. After analyzing data from each municipality separately, 22 salient categories emerged. To be determined salient in this study, a category had to be marked by at least ten percent of participants per municipality. The most salient boundaries that emerged from this study were those between central (“correct”) Slovak and “other,” “not central” Slovak; those between “The East” and the rest of Slovakia, and those between “The South” (or, more accurately, “The Hungarian South”) and the rest of Slovakia. This thesis explores those ideologies in detail, and takes Nitra as a case study for the discussion.

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Populism in Europe has heightened racial tensions in many countries, including the Netherlands. Since the early 2010s, the Dutch have been debating whether the traditional blackface character Black Pete is a racist remnant of colonialism and should be changed for modern society. Though many politicians consider Black Pete a “matter for the people”, different agents in meaning-making provide different perspectives and influences. This dissertation explores the Black Pete debate holistically and considers how he is interpreted and changed through multiple entry points. By tracing the historical changes of the image and critically examining the discourses created by politicians, the media, and activists, the analysis shows how Black Pete comes the stand in for Dutch identity and how this gives him political utility. The process of resignifying Black Pete highlights the difficulty of addressing racial inequalities in a postcolonial nation. Each agent uses Black Pete to either maintain or challenge the existing racial hierarchy, but lone agents can neither make change nor stop the demand for it. These agents often only tangentially interact, but each action affects what the others do. Throughout the analysis of each entry point, the connecting role of the news media is shown, as it interprets these actions for the public at large. Colonialism created boundaries around the Dutch identity through violence, capital, and racial classifications, the Black Pete is about moving those boundaries to include those who least benefit from the colonial legacy. / Communication Sciences

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This thesis explores the work of historians, history teachers, and NGO employees engaged in regional initiatives to mitigate the influence of enduring ethnocentric national histories in the Balkans. In conducting an ethnography of the development and dissemination of such initiatives, I queried how conflict and controversy are negotiated in developing alternative educational materials, how “multiperspectivity” is understood as a pedagogical approach and a tool of reconciliation, and how the interests of civil society intersect with those of the state and supranational actors. My research sought to interrogate the field of power in which such attempts to innovate history education occur, with attention trained on the values encoded and deployed in this work.