Aussi nommés hommes de loi, les juristes se sont naturellement passionnés pour cette source du droit au xviiie siècle, prenant part aux débats juridiques et politiques de ce siècle nomophile. S'ils reprennent la traditionnelle distinction entre loi naturelle et loi positive, c'est principalement cette dernière qu'ils développent, étant ici les témoins et les acteurs de la laïcisation et de la rationalisation de l'ordre juridique. Atteinte dans son fondement divin, la loi naturelle perd de son aura paradigmatique ; la raison humaine suffit à en percevoir le contenu et à établir la loi positive. Celle-ci s'affirme face aux autres sources du droit comme expression privilégiée de la volonté royale et comme moyen de l'unification du droit face à un pluralisme juridique de plus en plus contesté mais néanmoins persistant. Cependant, face à la peur du despotisme qui saisit le siècle, et tout particulièrement sa seconde moitié, la volonté royale, dénoncée dans ses possibilités d'arbitraire, est redoutée. Son expression, la loi, est alors mise sous tutelle, les juristes militant pour l'instauration d'un contrôle juridictionnel de la conformité de celle-ci à des normes de référence conçues extensivement. L'avènement de la nation, nouvel acteur politique vivifié par les appels aux États généraux, vient renouveler le débat. Revendiquant la souveraineté, elle se voit confier la puissance législative et la loi, désormais conçue comme l'expression de la volonté générale faisant le lien entre l'individu et la nation, trace la voie de l'émancipation du peuple. La Révolution française concrétise ces acquis théoriques, ouvrant à la loi les portes d'un long règne / Also called men of law, jurists had a natural passion for this source of law in the eighteenth century, taking part in the legal and political debate of this century. If they used the traditional distinction between natural law and positive law, they mainly developed the latter, being the witnesses and the actors of the secularization and the rationalization of the legal order. Criticized for its divine foundation, the natural law lost its paradigmatic aura ; human reason was enough to understand it and to establish the positive law. The latter asserted itself on the face of the other sources of law as the expression of the royal will and as the means of the legal system unification against a controversial legal pluralism which was nevertheless persistent. However, as despotism struck this century, and especially the second half, the royal will was feared because of possible arbitrariness. The law, as its expression, should be placed under supervision. Jurists thus campaigned for the instauration of a judicial review of law conformity with extensively considered reference standards. The emergence of the nation, new political actor invigorated by the States General being called, renewed the debate. The nation claimed sovereignty and received legislative power, and the law, from now on conceived as the expression of the general will that connected individuals and the nation, led the way to French people’s emancipation. The French Revolution carried out this theoretical progress and opened the door to a long reign for the law

A Constituição Federal de 1988 possibilitou perspectivas mais inclusivas da sociedade civil nas tomadas de decisões sobre políticas públicas, como por meio de referendos, plebiscitos, conselhos gestores, audiências, entre outros, na tentativa de modificar a ortodoxia de centralismo decisório até então praticada. Entretanto, estudos a respeito de práticas de participação social passaram a denunciar limitações do empoderamento da sociedade civil ocasionadas na conjuntura neoliberal do Brasil. Isso impactou na concentração de poder deliberativo sobre decisões públicas nas mãos de restritos atores da sociedade política. Por outro lado, tais estudos não apresentam resultados sobre relações de poder desenvolvidas na elaboração do planejamento governamental municipal, materializado no plano plurianual – PPA, uma política essencial para o estabelecimento de ações de governo a serem implementadas diante das mais variadas demandas sociais. Partindo-se desta lacuna de investigação, caberia responder: quem são e como participam os atores da sociedade política e da sociedade civil na elaboração do planejamento governamental municipal? Por meio de um estudo de caso da elaboração do PPA 2018 – 20121 da microrregião de Ponta Grossa do Estado do Paraná, o presente estudo adota como objetivo investigar as relações de poder estabelecidas na elaboração do planejamento governamental municipal a partir da ótica da sua elite política executiva. Para melhor justificativa dos resultados levantados, adota-se a observância dos perfis ideológicos das elites políticas e as distinções entre áreas temáticas públicas. Metodologicamente, esta pesquisa caracteriza-se como descritiva e explicativa, estando baseada em estudo de caso único a partir do uso da técnica de entrevistas junto às elites políticas dos Poderes Executivos da microrregião de Ponta Grossa/PR. Como resultado, observa-se um panorama de elaboração do planejamento governamental embasado na concentração do poder deliberativo nas figuras da elite política executiva, mais precisamente, nos Secretários/Presidentes das áreas temáticas, cabendo à sociedade civil a participação de forma consultiva, independentemente do perfil ideológico identificado, porém com algumas exceções de áreas temáticas com maior deliberação e autogestão da sociedade civil. Este cenário, de forma geral, reflete regulamentações da participação social nem sempre efetivadas e perfis ideológicos das elites estudadas mais voltados à defesa da participação social consultiva e fiscalizatória. Diante dos resultados e das literaturas apresentadas ao longo da teoria, que defendem a participação da sociedade civil e de seus segmentos organizados de forma deliberativa, recomenda-se às elites políticas adotarem uma governança mais democrática mediante promoção de tal empoderamento, como por intermédio de conferências temáticas e colegiados deliberativos voltados à elaboração do PPA, objetivando o desenvolvimento regional e político dos cidadãos. / The Federal Constitution of 1988 provided more inclusive perspectives of the civil society in public decision-making policies, such as referendums, plebiscites, management councils, audiences, among others, in an attempt to change the orthodoxy of the centralism on decision-making practiced up to that moment. However, studies about social participation practices started to denounce limitations on the civil society empowerment caused by the neoliberal conjuncture in Brazil. This has impacted on the concentration of deliberative power over public decisions in the hands of restricted actors in political society. On the other hand, these studies do not present results about power relations developed in the elaboration of municipal government planning, materialized in the multiyear plan, an essential policy for the establishment of government actions to be implemented in face of the most varied social demands. Starting from this research gap, it would be necessary to answer the following questions: who are and how do the actors of political society and civil society participate in the municipal government planning elaboration? By means of a case study on the preparation of the multiyear plan 2018 - 2021 to the Ponta Grossa’s microregion at the State of Paraná, the present study aims to investigate the power relations established in the elaboration of the municipal government planning by the political executive elite’s point of view. To justify better the results obtained, it is adopted the observance of ideological profiles of political elites and the distinctions between public thematic areas. This research is methodologically characterized as descriptive and explanatory, being based on a single case study using the technique of interviews with the Executive Power political elites at the microregion. As a result, there is a panorama on the elaboration of governmental planning based on the concentration of deliberative power in the executive political elite, more precisely, in the Secretaries / Presidents of the thematic areas, and civil society participation in an advisory form, regardless of the ideological profile identified, although with some exceptions in thematic areas with greater deliberation and self-management from civil society. This scenario, in general, reflects regulations of social participation not always implemented and ideological profiles of the elites studied more focused on the defense of social participation as advisory and monitoring. Given the results and literature presented throughout the theory, which advocate to the civil society and its organized segments participation in a deliberative way, it is recommended that the political elites it is recommended that political elites adopt a more democratic governance through the promotion of such empowerment, as well as through thematic and collegial deliberative conferences aimed at the elaboration of the multiyear plans, aiming at the regional and political development of citizens.

Text in Afrikaans / The broad focus of the thesis is an analysis of the meaning and the modern development of the doctrine of the separation of power (trias politica) and the application thereof in the constitutional development in South Africa. The first chapter outlines the historical restrictions that were placed on governmental authority by the trias politica doctrine. In the following chapter the application of the trias politica doctrine in different governmental systems (parliamentary, presidential and semipresidential) are analysed. In the third chapter an analysis is made of the constitutions of the former Boer republics, chronologically followed by an analysis of the 1909, 1961 and 1983 Constitutions, to establish to which extent the trias politica doctrine was incorporated in the respective constitutions. In the subsequent chapters, the focus shifts to the constitutions in the post democratic era, namely the 1993 interim Constitution and the 1996 (final) Constitution. It is evident that the new supreme Constitution and an independent judiciary yielded to a stronger adherence to the separation of power principle. It is also evident that the retainment of the parliamentary system, with a fused legislature and executive authority, inhibited a stronger separation of power. The inclusion of sosioeconomic rights in the Constitution resulted in a more direct involvement in governmental policy. However, the Constitutional Court managed to maintain a fine balance between reviewing policy and the formulation of policy. In the closing chapter a short summary is provided, followed by comments on possible alternatives to the existing system to ensure a stronger separation of powers. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LL. D. (Constitutional, International and Indigenous Law)

The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using “the power of the purse” to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this research includes the analysis and comparison of certain variables, including public opinion, budgetary constraints, and the relative majority of the party that holds power in one or both chambers, and the ways these variables may impact the behavior of the legislative branch in this regard. It also includes the analysis of appropriations requests made by the legislative branch for funding military engagement in rejection of requests from the executive branch for all military engagements that occurred during periods of divided government from 1946 through 2009