No description available.

This project is the first step in a long line of research that will examine the impact of status on information exchange in small groups of medical professionals. Specifically, we employ the expectation states theory and observable power and prestige methodology to develop a coding scheme and live coding methodology that is attuned to the unique status organizing process in interprofessional medical teams. This paper begins with an explanation of the shortcomings in current research that examines medical teams. We then discuss the conceptual development of the coding scheme and methodology. Next, we establish reliability between live coders and between the transcript coders. We conclude by employing our coding scheme to examine how occupational status (physician vs. nurse) operates in medical teams, and find that our scheme possesses both criterion and face validity. Future steps include increasing our sample size to have more statistical power in detecting status differences and dropping some items from the coding scheme to increase reliability.

That Barack Obama's race was a factor, for both blacks and whites, in the 2008 general election is well-documented. As the majority in this country, the white electorate's response to the nation's first successful African-American presidential contender is of particular interest because it revealed the persistent effects of racism. Scholars have suggested contemporary forms of racism (e.g., Ditonto et al., 2013) explained the reluctance of white citizens to cast their ballots for an African American. This dissertation approaches the topic from a different angle, arguing deep-seated beliefs about which individual characteristics define a legitimate president, race in this project, affected voting decisions, especially among whites. Such beliefs, or "status expectations" (Ridgeway&Berger, 1986), are evident every day in social interactions and are also reflected in the mass media, especially in the vivid medium of television, which was proposed to reinforce status beliefs about presidential legitimacy among white viewers. African Americans, in contrast, were hypothesized be inured to status beliefs represented in television campaign coverage because of a protective, ingroup orientation called "linked fate," (Dawson, 2004), the belief that life chances of the individual are inextricably intertwined with life chances of the black race as a whole. Therefore, while mass media would affect whites' assessments of presidential legitimacy, linked fate would lead African Americans to reject the status beliefs about presidential legitimacy embedded in televised content because this medium has historically derogated their "ingroup". Findings, however, did not support this proposed insulating effect of linked fate, which was operationalized as perceived black racial group favoritism. In fact, moderating relationships, even when statistically significant, typically added little explanatory value to or confounded interpretation of the presidential legitimacy models. Thus, baseline models with main effects were the clearest and most statistically powerful in discerning which variables had the greatest impact on Obama and McCain presidential legitimacy assessments. For both candidates, party identification and race were consistently the most influential predictors. But, for McCain, the effect of conservative partisanship was particularly acute, with an effect size more than three times the effect size of race and four times the size of the most powerful media effect, Fox News believability. In contrast, multiple predictors of comparable effect size factored into Obama legitimacy assessments. Measured by both number of statistically significant media variables and magnitude of effect sizes, Obama's legitimacy assessments were more affected by media predictors than were McCain's. For Obama presidential legitimacy, the most influential variables were Democratic partisan identification, black race, Fox News believability (negatively related), and perceived black racial group favoritism. The next most influential predictors were CNN believability, MSNBC believability, and a status expectation measure of Obama's legitimacy. A third grouping of influential predictors consisted of broadcast believability, an education control variable, and a status expectation measure of McCain's legitimacy (negatively related). These predictors yielded a model that explained 43% of the variance in Obama legitimacy assessments, in contrast to the 28% of variance explained by the model without media variables. Though McCain's presidential legitimacy evaluations were driven primarily by Republican partisan identification and, to a lesser extent, race, several media variables attained statistical significance in the McCain model: the number of days respondents watched television for campaign news, CNN believability, and Fox News believability, all of which augmented McCain's legitimacy assessments. The proportion of variance in McCain legitimacy assessments explained by the model with media effects was 20%, compared to 16% in the model without media predictors, figures substantially lower than the 43% and 28% in the respective Obama models. The range of predictors in the Obama legitimacy model implied myriad perspectives notably absent in the McCain legitimacy model, a pattern that mirrored the diverse coalition that ultimately supported him. Therefore, despite only partial support for this dissertation's hypotheses, the results were consistent with the current partisan and racial divisions in this country, divisions that were affected by the media in the 2008 election.

Over the last fifty years, researchers in Status Characteristics Theory (SCT) have conclusively demonstrated that within task groups, status differences between members influence the emergence of a power and prestige hierarchy within the group. According to the theory, this is accomplished through the activation of stereotypical expectations of group members' abilities. However, relatively little research has directly examined the cognitive process associated with expectation formation. During this same period, scholars within diverse subfields of psychology have suggested that there are two fundamental dimensions along which social judgments are made. These two dimensions have been referred to by various names, including instrumentality and expressivity, agency and communality, and competence and warmth. The most recent exploration of this idea can be found in the field of cognitive science as part of the Stereotype Content Model (SCM). The purpose of the current research is to integrate the basic propositions of SCT with the cognitive process outlined in SCM. In doing so, I hope to situate SCT within an expansive body of existing research, while suggesting a number of potentially useful directions for future research in SCT.

This qualitative study examines young adults’ expectations and experiences of consent and pleasure which result in a grey area. Based on focus groups and one-on-one interviews with 18 to 25-year-old women and men, I explore various experiences of consensual sex ranging from clearly consensual and pleasurable, consensual yet mediocre experiences, and those which reflect a grey area of consent. Whereas best and simply mediocre sex are characterized by clear feelings of consent, the grey area involves sex that is felt as less than fully consensual but not quite as sexual assault. I apply theories of expectation states, compulsory heterosexuality, and sexual script theories to the findings of this research to argue that adherence to traditional gender norms of heterosexual behaviour lead to greater social importance given to men’s needs for sexual pleasure. These inequalities and expectations surrounding sexual behaviour lead to feeling constrained in one’s ability to negotiate and interpret feelings of desire and consent, resulting in a grey area.

No description available.

Though the workforce in the United States is comprised of more than 50% women, women hold only 26% of professional computing jobs, and at some companies the percentage is even lower (National Center for Women & Information Technology, 2011). This study aims to examine whether employees within the tech industry have an implicit association between the concepts of “maleness” and “tech”. Participants will complete a priming task, an Implicit Association Test, and a survey about existing sexist beliefs and their jobs. The Expectation States Theory (Eagly, Beall, & Sternberg, 2004) suggests that all participants will have an implicit association between these concepts, though participants primed with an article about a man in tech and participants from companies with more men overall, in leadership, and in tech positions will have a stronger bias. Additionally, the Unified Theory (Greenwald et al., 2002; Smeding, 2012) suggests that the proposed results will show that women working in tech positions have a slightly weaker bias, and priming about a woman in tech will not reverse the bias. If implicit biases are addressed within the tech industry, these fixes can help the field maintain its upward trajectory by becoming an inclusive space for men and women.

This study examines the identity work strategies that men students in nursing, elementary education, and social work programs employ in order to manage and assert their masculinity in the face of negative gender assessment, as well as the identity work involved in verifying their professional identities. It also examines the perceived benefits and disadvantages that men experience as numerical minorities in their fields of study. Interviews with 12 men students majoring in these disciplines reveal that while men do perceive disadvantages as men in these educational spheres, they believe that the advantages and benefits they enjoy in the form of special treatment, recognition, and access to opportunity far outweigh them. A key perceived disadvantage is the ongoing challenges they face to their social identity as men and their role identity as rising professionals. These men employ identifiable identity work strategies for doing masculinity; some of which have implications for gender equality in the educational setting, as well as in on-site training (i.e., workplace) settings as well. This study contributes to an understanding of how men verify contradictory identities, and how gender shapes, privileges, and constrains their lives. In addition, it builds on extant literature focusing on men's experiences in higher education as they prepare for careers in gender-nontraditional occupations. / Ph. D.

非語言敏感度（nonverbal sensitivity）指正確察覺與解釋他人非語言訊息的能力。過去研究發現女性的非語言敏感度優於男性，可以權力取向或社會角色理論解釋。權力取向認為女性在社會上缺乏權力，故需展現良好的非語言敏感度保障自己權益。社會角色理論認為女性擔任，或被期待擔任照顧者，因此培養良好的非語言敏感度。本研究同時探討權力取向與社會角色理論，嘗試比較兩個理論對非語言敏感度性別差異的解釋。本實驗採用兩人互動，透過權力差異的操弄與不同的議題（經濟提供者議題或照顧者議題）討論，探討互動時的非語言敏感度。每位受試者還觀看四部影片，測量無動機影響的非語言敏感度。結果顯示權力差異可解釋兩人互動的非語言敏感度，且資料型態符合權力差異者的動機解釋。而觀看影片時，相較於探討經濟提供者議題受試者，探討照顧者議題受試者有較佳的非語言敏感度。此外我們亦發現性別、權力與社會角色三因子交互作用，非語言敏感度會受到實驗分派的社會角色是否符合生理性別的傳統作業影響，符合預期狀態理論的觀點。 / Nonverbal sensitivity refers to the ability to accurately detect and decode nonverbal cues communicated by others. Past research showed that women enjoy superior nonverbal sensitivity over men. Power perspective and social role theory each provides explanations for women's superior nonverbal sensitivity. Power perspective suggests that due to the lack of power in the society, women count on their nonverbal sensitivity to get what they want and for protection. Social role theory suggests that women are more likely to be in or are usually expected to be in caretaker roles, which require their attending to others' verbal or nonverbal cues. As a result, women develop superior nonverbal sensitivity compared to men. We designed an experimental study to test explanations offered by power perspective and social role theory. In the experiment, two individuals were told to collaborate on a task either required them to be in the provider role mode (focusing on earning money) or caretaker role mode (focusing on taking care of others). Power difference was manipulated by assigning one of the two individuals to be a leader and the other follower in this task. Interactions were recorded upon participants’ consent. After interaction, the participants were asked to interpret nonverbal cues in their interaction. They were also told to view four video clips, and then report and interpret nonverbal cues in each video clip. The results suggest that nonverbal sensitivity in interaction can be best accounted for by explanations consistent with the power perspective. The powerful was better at “B sees Self” nonverbal sensitivity, and the powerless was better at “B sees Me” nonverbal sensitivity, consistent with motivational explanations. In addition, we found a three-way interaction of participant sex, power, and social role, suggesting that women had the best “B sees Me” sensitivity when they had no power and were in the provider role. And men showed the best “B sees Self” sensitivity when they had power and were in the provider role. The three-way interaction finding is consistent with predictions made by expectation states theory. However, when viewing four video clips, participants in the caretaker role had better nonverbal sensitivity than those in the provider role. Motivation was offered to account for the differential effects of power and social roles. By analyzing clips of the dyadic interactions, we found that the powerful showed more leader behavior such as deciding discussion direction, and the powerless showed more follower behavior such as stammering. However, the results of the clips did not account for the aforementioned findings of nonverbal sensitivity.