Orientador: Maria Margaret Lopes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociências / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T22:06:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sombrio_MarianaMoraesdeOliveira_D.pdf: 3061648 bytes, checksum: 40dee56cabd13ea169179678ae292e5e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Esta tese aborda trajetórias de mulheres, principalmente estrangeiras, que realizaram expedições científicas no Brasil, em meados do século XX. A partir da documentação do Conselho de Fiscalização das Expedições Artísticas e Científicas do Brasil - CFE (1933-1968) ¿ MAST, RJ, foi realizado um levantamento sobre a participação de mulheres em expedições científicas buscando entender como elas se inseriam nessas práticas de campo. Apresentamos um panorama geral sobre o levantamento feito na documentação do CFE, quem eram as mulheres que ficaram registradas nestes documentos, a que áreas científicas pertenciam, quantas eram brasileiras e quantas estrangeiras e como articularam suas experiências no Brasil, ao mesmo tempo que retomamos referências bibliográficas importantes e fontes inéditas sobre o assunto. Tratamos das trajetórias de três cientistas que fizeram do Brasil seus campos privilegiados de pesquisa estabelecendo redes de relações sólidas no país, cada uma a sua maneira, e grande parte de suas produções científicas (teorias, classificações, livros e artigos) provém das pesquisas realizadas aqui. Elas são Doris Cochran, Betty Meggers e Wanda Hanke. As análises particularizadas (e até certo ponto de detalhes) que privilegiamos têm o objetivo de contribuir com o quadro de escassez de testemunhos sobre o comportamento e as atitudes de mulheres cientistas trabalhando no Brasil, no período abordado. Fosse um empreendimento coletivo ou solitário, uma ambição profissional, uma fuga ou aventura, a história dessas mulheres está repleta de vontades diversas. Consideramos cada uma dessas experiências como fragmentos da realidade muitas vezes negligenciados pela história das ciências que foi descrita como um empreendimento quase que exclusivamente masculino. A cultura das ciências fez-se separadamente da cultura das mulheres. As expedições científicas, na forma mais romantizada em que conseguimos imaginá-las - grandes aventureiros e aventureiras se embrenhando em matas fechadas, enfrentando perigos - ainda influenciam a categorização das ciências, suas características e o imaginário popular sobre o que é fazer ciências, contribuindo inclusive para reforçar um caráter masculinizante dessas práticas. A realidade, tanto agora quanto no passado, é bastante diferente. Existem grandes lacunas nesses discursos quando excluem parcelas inteiras da população da história da construção do saber científico. Onde está e como foi a participação das mulheres e de outros grupos excluídos por raça, classe ou etnia? Como essas hierarquizações sociais foram reproduzidas nos ambientes científicos? Nas narrativas sobre a ciência ocidental encontramos apenas pequenas pistas e passagens dessas pessoas por essa história. Essa tese é, portanto, uma contribuição para a ampliação desse registro histórico / Abstract: This thesis presents stories of women, mainly foreign, who conducted field research in Brazil in mid-twentieth century. Based on documents of the Brazilian Inspection Council on Artistic and Scientific Expedition - CFE (1933-1968) ¿ MAST (Museum), Rio de Janeiro ¿ an inventory on women¿s participation in scientific expeditions was conducted aiming to understand their experiences on these field practices. We present an overview of the inventory in the CFE documentation, addressing who were the women recorded in these documents. We collected data about their scientific areas, their nationalities, the strategies used to articulate their experiences in Brazil and also gathered important references about the topic. Three scientists were emphasized because their experiences revealed that Brazil was their privileged field of research where they also established strong networks with the local scientific community, each in their own way, because much of their scientific productions (theories, scientific classifications, articles and books) originated from these field activities. They are Doris Cochran, Betty Meggers, and Wanda Hanke. Individualized accounts were privileged, as well as details about these experiences, in order to adress the shortage of testimonials about stories, practices and attitudes of women scientists working in Brazil, in the period covered. Sometimes they went to the field alone, other times as part of a scientific team. They also worked in couples as assistants or collaborators and there were cases of travelers who were just looking for a getaway or an adventure. The stories of these women are interesting and bring up a lot of uniqueness. Each of these experiences can be thought as fragments of a reality often overlooked by the History of Science that has been described as an almost exclusively male enterprise. The culture of science was stablished separately from the women's culture. The popular image of scientific expeditions associated with heroism and riskness still influence the categorization of science and build up an idea of science as an almost exclusively male dominate endeavor, contributing to reinforce the masculine characterization of these practices. Reality, both now and in the past, is quite different. There are large gaps in the Western history of science narratives. Whole social groups were excluded of the construction of scientific knowledge, not only in the institutions but also in the history books. Where is and how was the participation of women and other groups excluded by race, class or ethnicity? How these social hierarchies were reproduced in scientific circles? In the narratives of Western science we found only small hints and passages of this group. This thesis is, therefore, a contribution to increase the field of historical studies about women scientists, gender and sciences / Doutorado / Politica Cientifica e Tecnologica / Doutora em Política Científica e Tecnológica

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This study develops and tests a theoretical model drawing on social psychological and resource-mobilization perspectives of social movement theory to explain changes in social movement participation and support for activism among Earthwatch Expedition volunteers. The social psychological perspective of social movements recognizes the role of self-efficacy and consciousness-raising for the participation in and success of social movement organizations. The resource mobilization perspective of social movements stresses rationality and the importance of funding and networks for the success of social movement organizations. Utilizing these two theoretical perspectives as my foundation, I hypothesize that participation in an Earthwatch Expedition increases volunteers' participation in social movement organizations in ways such as making monetary donations, voting with the organization's platform in mind, or attending rallies and marches. I also hypothesize that volunteers will increase their support for others who participate in these same types of activities. Earthwatch Expeditions are a form of alternative tourism in which volunteers participate in any of 126 different types of 10-14 day research-oriented expeditions that may include evaluating the health of a coral reef, studying maternal health among west African women, assessing the killer whale population off the coast of Puget Sound, or recording oral history in Dominica. I conducted pre- and post-trip surveys in June and July of 1998, resulting in 363 completed surveys. I analyzed data using multiple regression to discover relationships between pre-trip and post-trip measures of social movement participation, activism support, networks, self-efficacy, and consciousness-raising. In other words, I explored ways in which an alternative tourism experience like Earthwatch can change a person's ideas about their own social movement participation, the social movement activities of others, their perceived ability to overcome obstacles in order to implement social change, and their awareness of social issues. Results suggest that participation in an Earthwatch Expedition has a positive effect on volunteers' social movement participation, their awareness of social issues, their networks, and their ability to overcome obstacles, but little effect on activism support. / Ph. D.

In 1930, A.Y. Jackson and Lawren S. Harris travelled to the Arctic Archipelago as members of Canada’s Eastern Arctic Patrol. The collaborative venture between the Department of the Interior and the noted Group of Seven artists, which followed Jackson’s 1927 voyage aboard the government patrol, was part of a mutual aim to generate popular interest in the Canadian North through art. This thesis examines the underlying political context of both the 1927 and 1930 collaborative efforts. It examines the government patrols in connection with the promotion of Jackson’s and Harris’s Arctic works as part of a larger process of advancing the Arctic as a Canadian possession during a period of increased foreign interest in the region. Drawing on primary source material as well as various print media reports and exhibition reviews, this study provides insight into how the contemporary framing of Jackson’s and Harris’s Arctic sketches and paintings from the government-supported expeditions—the ways in which the works were discussed and understood—contributed not only to the “imagining” of the Arctic as a Canadian possession, but also to the dissemination of Canadian sovereignty efforts in the North. / Thesis (Master, Art History) -- Queen's University, 2012-12-05 15:24:52.546

A presente dissertação analisa o arranjo e a execução de entradas espanholas na fronteira ori-ental dos Andes centrais, entre os anos de 1538 e 1561. Nosso objetivo consiste em avaliar as origens do interesse, os resultados apresentados e as razões para o arrefecimento dos contatos. A região em questão identifica-se com as terras situadas a leste da cidade de Cuzco, parcial-mente inserida no quadrante que os incas chamavam de antisuyu. Algumas vezes, essas em-presas foram além daquele território, alcançando as terras baixas do vale; configurando desse modo a primeira série de contatos sistemáticos com o que hoje chamamos de Amazônia. No período pesquisado, a expansão da conquista em direção a essa região esteve sempre na agen-da dos castelhanos, ainda que não tenham logrado êxito em consolidar esse projeto / This Dissertation examines the planning and execution of the Spanish expeditions on the east-ern border of the Central Andes, between 1538 and 1561. Our purpose is inquire the origins of interest, the results presented and the reasons for the reduction of the contacts. The region in question is identified with the lands located at the east of Cuzco, partly inserted in the incas antisuyu. Sometimes, these expeditions were beyond that territory, reaching the lowlands; thereby configuring the first series of systematic contacts with the region that we now call Amazon. In the period surveyed, the expansion of conquest to these lands always been on the plans of the Castilians, although it has not been successfully

A conquista e ocupação da Amazônia, no período colonial, foram empreendimentos conduzidos pelo Estado, planejados e executados com prioridade política pelo governo metropolitano, que resultaram na incorporação ao território do Brasil de, aproximadamente, 60% de sua área total atual. Coube a Portugal, ainda durante a vigência da União Ibérica, sob ordens do Rei de Espanha, a expulsão dos franceses de São Luís do Maranhão e a fundação, em 1616, do Forte do Presépio de Santa Maria de Belém. A partir dessa posição, pescadores e comerciantes ingleses e holandeses, que iniciavam sua instalação no baixo Amazonas, foram expulsos pelas forças portuguesas, que passaram então a controlar o acesso à maior bacia hidrográfica do mundo. Com a criação do Estado do Maranhão e Grão-Pará, em 1621 - entidade política autônoma e independente do Estado do Brasil - a administração desses territórios passou a ser diretamente subordinada ao governo de Lisboa, iniciando-se um processo irreversível de exploração e penetração territorial pela vasta rede hidrográfica amazônica. Uma expedição oficial, realizada entre 1637 e 1639, pretendeu estabelecer um limite entre os domínios das duas Coroas ibéricas; foi chefiada por Pedro Teixeira, que lavrou ata de posse para Portugal das terras situadas a oeste da povoação de Franciscana, fundada pelos portugueses em pleno território do Equador atual. Pouco tempo depois, entre 1647 e 1651, o bandeirante Antonio Raposo Tavares realizou uma das maiores expedições geográficas da história, uma viagem de São Paulo a Belém, percorrendo mais de 5.000 km pelos sertões do continente americano. Essa expedição revelou acessos do sul do Brasil para a Amazônia e a importância do Rio Madeira e sua ligação com os altiplanos andinos. Por essa razão, estratégica, a Coroa portuguesa determinou a ocupação do vale do Rio Madeira pelos missionários religiosos, agentes imprescindíveis de conversão e conquista que, em pouco menos de um século depois da construção de Belém, haviam irradiado a ocupação por meio de dezenas de missões fundadas nos mais diversos pontos do território amazônico. Lisboa determinou também: o enfrentamento das incursões francesas no norte do Amazonas; a conquista dos Rios Negro e Branco; a expulsão dos jesuítas a serviço de Espanha do Rio Solimões; e a expedição ao Rio Madeira para conter a presença espanhola a oeste do Rio Guaporé. Todas as ações fizeram parte da estratégia para garantir a posse da Amazônia e tinham por objetivo preservar as conquistas territoriais empreendidas pelas expedições oficiais, pelos missionários, entradistas e bandeirantes. Principalmente a partir do reinado de Dom João V, de 1706 a 1750, Portugal passou a priorizar a definição de suas fronteiras coloniais com o propósito de revisar os acordos anteriores de limites e abolir o Tratado de Tordesilhas, firmado em 1494. A aproximação das Coroas ibéricas e a extraordinária atuação de Alexandre de Gusmão nas negociações de fronteiras resultaram na assinatura, em 1750, do Tratado de Madri: legalizava-se, pelo argumento de posse da terra - uti possidetis - e pela busca das fronteiras naturais, a ocupação da Amazônia e do Centro-Oeste do Brasil. Na Amazônia, Lisboa decidira tomar para si o controle das missões religiosas, realizando um programa de profunda reorganização política, econômica, social, administrativa, judicial e religiosa. Essa política propunha-se, sobretudo, a promover o povoamento do território e a garantir sua defesa e sua posse. Vilas foram fundadas; missões, erguidas à categoria de vilas; e, sobretudo, uma linha defensiva de fortificações portuguesas, construídas para guarnecer os limites exteriores da região: São José de Marabitanas e São Gabriel da Cachoeira, no Rio Negro; São Francisco Xavier de Tabatinga, no Rio Solimões; São Joaquim, no Rio Branco; Santo Antônio do Içá, na desembocadura do Rio Içá com o Solimões; São José de Macapá, na foz do Rio Amazonas; e Real Príncipe da Beira, no Rio Guaporé. Essas fortificações permitiram a ocupação definitiva do território e demonstram o propósito de Lisboa em defender e consolidar o espaço amazônico conquistado. Embora tivesse sido revogado logo após sua assinatura, o Tratado de Madri estabeleceu o princípio doutrinário que acabaria por prevalecer na demarcação definitiva das fronteiras do Brasil. Deve-se à penetração dos sertões pelos expedicionários, missionários, entradistas e bandeirantes a realização física da expansão colonial portuguesa na América; e ao Tratado de Madri, a inteligência e a prioridade política para a manutenção dessa conquista territorial tão singular. Com base nesse acordo, o Brasil independente teria sua área total mais que triplicada e logo trataria de oficializar suas fronteiras com as nações sul-americanas recém-formadas; processo que não ocorreu no restante da América hispânica e nem mesmo na América do Norte, em que as grandes alterações de fronteiras se deram depois da independência. A Amazônia, a despeito de todas as dificuldades para sua colonização, permaneceu brasileira graças ao esforço e ao empenho político empreendidos por Portugal para manter essa vasta região como parte de seu império colonial ultramarino / The conquest and settling of the Amazon region during the colonization period were state-conducted enterprises, planned and executed with political priority by the metropolitan government, which resulted in the incorporation to the Brazilian territory of approximately 60% of its total present area. It was Portugal\'s duty, still under the Iberic Union, under the King of Spain\'s orders, the expulsion of the French from São Luís do Maranhão and the foundation, in 1616, of the Forte do Presépio de Santa Maria de Belém (Fort of the Nativity of Saint Mary of Bethlehem). As from that position, both fishermen and English and Dutch tradesmen, who were beginning to settle in the lower Amazon River, were expelled by the Portuguese forces, who then started to control access to the world\'s largest hydrographic basin. After the foundation of the states of Maranhão and Grão-Pará in 1621 - autonomous and independent political entity of the State of Brazil - the administration of these territories became directly subordinate to Lisbon\'s government, thus triggering an irreversible process of territorial penetration and exploitation throughout the vast Amazon hydrographic network. An official expedition, carried out between 1637 and 1639 had the aim of establishing a limit between the domains of both Iberic Crowns; it was led by Pedro Teixeira, who wrote the possession registration document for Portugal of the land located west of the Franciscan settlement, founded by the Portuguese, where the current Equatorian territory lies. Shortly afterwards, between 1647 and 1651, explorer Antonio Raposo Tavares led one of the greatest geographic expeditions in history, a voyage from São Paulo to Belém, crossing over 5,000 kilometers through the American continent\'s wilderness. This expedition revealed both accesses from southern Brazil to the Amazon and the importance of the Madeira River and its connection with the Andean highland. For this strategic reason, the Portuguese Crown demanded the settling of the Madeira River valley by religious missionaries, invaluable agents of conversion and conquest, who less than a century after the construction of Belém had irradiated the settling by means of tens of missions founded in several points of the Amazon territory. Lisbon also demanded: fighting against the French incursions north of the Amazon River; the conquest of both the Negro and Branco Rivers; the expulsion of the Jesuits in service for Spain from the Solimões River; and the expedition to the Madeira River to hold back the Spanish presence west of the Guaporé River. All actions were part of the strategy to guarantee possession of the Amazon region and aimed at keeping the territorial conquests performed by the official expeditions, by the missionaries and by both official and unofficial explorers. As from the ruling of Dom João V, especially, from 1706 to 1750, Portugal started to prioritize the definition of its colonial borders with the aim of revising previous border agreements and cancel the Treaty of Tordesilla, signed in 1494. The union of the Iberic Crowns and Alexandre de Gusmão\'s extraordinary performance in the border negotiations resulted in the signature of the Treaty of Madrid in 1750: the settling of Brazil\'s Amazon and the Midwest regions were legitimated by the uti possidetis argument through land ownership and the search of natural borders. In the Amazon region, Lisbon had decided to take control over the religious settlements, conducting a deep political, economic, social, administrative, judicial and religious reorganization in order to foster the territory\'s population, guarantee its defense and ownership. Villages were set up; missions were upgraded to the categories of villages and, above all, a string of Portuguese fortifications was built to back the outer limits of the region: São José de Marabitanas and São Gabriel da Cachoeira, at the Negro River; São Francisco Xavier de Tabatinga, at the Solimões River; São Joaquim, at the Branco River; Santo Antônio do Içá, at the delta of the Içá and Solimões Rivers; São José de Macapá, at the Amazonas River estuary; and Real Príncipe da Beira, at the Guaporé River. These fortifications allowed the definitive settling of the territory and reveal Lisbon\'s purpose in both defending and consolidating the conquered Amazon area. Although it had been revoked shortly after it was signed, the Treaty of Madrid established the doctrinal principle which would end up prevailing in Brazil\'s final border layout. The Portuguese colonial expansion in America occurred thanks to the incursions into the wilderness by official and unofficial explorers and missionaries; and the Treaty of Madrid the intelligence and political priority for the maintenance of such singular territorial conquest. Based on this agreement, independent Brazil would see its overall area more than tripled and would soon have to formalize its borders with the newly-formed south American nations; a process that did not take place in the remaining Hispanic America or even in North America, where major border changes occurred after independence. The Amazon region, despite all difficulties for its colonization, remained Brazilian thanks to the effort and political engagement employed by Portugal to maintain all this vast region as part of its overseas colonial empire

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CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / Esta pesquisa procura entender o cotidiano das ExpediÃÃes BritÃnica, Americana e Brasileira, no ano de 1919, na cidade de Sobral, na tentativa de confirmar a Teoria da Relatividade de Albert Einstein. As relaÃÃes travadas entre cientistas, autoridades locais e imprensa explicitam os discursos e as prÃticas cientÃficas contrastantes de modernidade universal e atraso local / This research seeks to understand the daily routine of British, American and Brazilian Expeditions, in 1919, in the city of Sobral, in an attempt to confirm the Theory of Relativity by Albert Einstein. The relationships developed between scientists, local authorities and the media expose the discourses and scientific practices of modernity and backwardness local