The thesis traces the construction of the Western Balkans since the end of the armed conflict in 1995. The term Western Balkans has become a commonplace in international politics that refers to a recognisable region on the European map – ignoring that it does not constitute a historical formation of European and Balkan politics. Most contemporary analysis focuses on functional aspects of economic cohesiveness and security interdependence. However, this thesis argues that the concept of Western Balkans is better understood as a social construction, externally-driven. The argument is that the Western Balkans is what the European Union makes of it. By taking a macro-historical perspective, we look at the long and special ties that the EU has had from the time of Yugoslavia to the Western Balkans until the mid-2000s. What we uncover is a special and consistent involvement of the European Commission into the regional affairs. The Western Balkans starts as a small organisational department within the institutional structure of the external relations' portfolio to become a regional identity question for the local populations. Also, the thesis points to the Commission’s actions as not just the outcome of micro-calculations but part of a social context of competing world-views; and, finally, this is the reason that the end-product of the Western Balkans resembles more a messy amalgam rather than a rational design.

This diploma paper analyses the Barcelona process and the Union for the Mediterranean. It aims to answer the question wether the Union for the Mediterranean is the continuation of the Barcelona process and to show the relations, similarities and differences. It is divided into three chapters. The first chapter characterizes the Mediterranean region and its importance for European Union. The second chapter describes the emergence and progress of Barcelona process. It also evaluates the Barcelona process. The third chapter is about the Union for the Mediterranean, its progress and its actual problems.

The thesis "Trade relations of the EU with the countries involved in the European Neighbourhood Policy" deals with the European Neighbourhood Policy and its importance for trade. The first chapter is focused on external relations of the European Union in general and on the basic characteristics of the trade policy. The second part of the thesis describes the development of the European Neighbourhood Policy, the way how it works and the connection of the policy to the Union for the Mediterranean, the Eastern Partnership and the Black Sea Synergy. The third chapter deals with the implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy in Azerbaijan and Egypt and analyzes the effects of the policy on the trade with goods. At the end of the thesis the European Neighbourhood Policy is evaluated.

This study presents the results of an external communication audit of the National Tropical Botanical Garden (NTBG), a congressionally chartered nonprofit organization dedicated to the conservation of tropical plant diversity. Information was gathered during the communication audit through interviews with NTBG's key decision makers, content analyses of NTBG's primary publications, and a questionnaire measuring the public-organization relationship. The audit assesses NTBG's external communication policies, practices, capabilities, and needs in the context of systems theory and external relations strategic planning theories. The findings of the audit identify who NTBG considers its target publics and how well they are reaching certain audiences. The results also indicate in which areas NTBG's current communication system is meeting or not meeting the objectives of the organization. The study concludes with a series of recommendations for how NTBG can improve its external communication system.

Lorsqu’il devient membre de l’Union, l’État accepte de se soumettre à un ensemble de règles venant limiter son autonomie extérieure. Si cet ensemble peut être analysé en termes d’effets juridiques-types agissant d’une manière unilatérale sur cet État membre, notre travail a tenté d’examiner ce que nous croyons être une chaîne dynamique d’actions, de réactions et de rétroactions qui est, à ce titre, complexe. En effet, au cours de nos travaux, nous nous sommes rendus compte que loin d’être unilatérale, la manière dont le droit de l’Union marque les compétences externes des États membres prend en réalité la forme d’interactions permanentes entre l’État membre intégré et l’Union, entre l’Union et l’État membre global, ou encore entre l’État membre intégré et l’État global. Si l’État intégré s’efface pour laisser l’Union agir à sa place ou s’il agit conjointement avec elle, cet effacement ne concerne pas son aspect global, son alter ego, qui revient ou simplement reste sur la scène afin de compléter et concurrencer l’action de l’Union, ou encore pour rechercher l’appui de cette dernière dans sa relation avec les tiers. L’État membre qui apparaissait initialement passif, s’érige alors en contributeur actif de ce dynamisme tissé dans les rapports juridiques entre l’ensemble européen et les tiers, par la rétroaction de ses compétences souveraines ou par l’exercice concurrent de ces dernières. Ceci montre qu’une étude des relations extérieures de l’Union ne peut pas être complète sans une étude simultanée des effets que le droit de l’Union produits sur les États membres intégrés et que ce dernier subit à son tour par les États membres globaux. Elle ne peut pas être non plus être complète sans un examen des effets que le droit international produit sur les États membres globaux et que ce dernier subit, à son tour, du fait des États membres intégrés. / In its capacity of a member of the European Union, the State agrees to submit to a set of rules framing its autonomy in the field of external relations. While this set of rules can be assessed in terms of categories of legal effects acting unilaterally upon the EU Member State, the present study attempts to go further by examining what we believe to be a dynamic chain of complexity, composed of actions, reactions, and retroactions of the actors involved. During our research, we indeed found that the manner in which the Union affects the EU Member States’ external relations is far from being a one-way process, but rather constitutes permanent and circular dynamics of interaction between what we shall call an integrated Member State and the Union, between the Union and what we shall call a global Member State, and between the respective Member State’s global and integrated faces. The integrated Member State may step aside to let the Union act in its stead, or act in conjunction with the Union, but ʽtaking the back seatʼ in this manner does not engage its global face, its alter ego, which will return to take center stage (if it did not simply stay there to begin with) to complete (or to compete with) the actions of the Union, or even to solicit the Unionʼs support with respect to the relations it established vis-à-vis third parties. As we proceed, we find that the Member State, who initially appeared to be a mere passive object of our research, is in fact an active agent, contributing, whether through retroaction or through the competing exercise of its sovereign competencies, to the face of the Unionʼs external relations. Accordingly, no research into the external relations of the EU can be complete without taking into account the impact of EU law on the integrated Member States, and the impact felt in turn by the EU as the result of the Member Statesʼ global actions. In the same way, such research should consider the impact of international law on the global Member States and the impact felt in turn by international law as a result of the actions of the integrated face of these same Member States.

Basée sur des archives françaises et sud-africaines inédites, cette thèse offre une analyse approfondie des relations franco-sud-africaines sous la présidence de Charles de Gaulle et de Georges Pompidou (1958-1974). La relation est qualifié de « spéciale » pour plusieurs raisons : le fait qu’il s’agit de liens avec un pays non-francophone qui n’appartient pas à la zone d’influence traditionnelle de la France, le contexte dans lequel elle se noue (le processus de décolonisation simultané à la condamnation internationale du régime d’apartheid), la spécificité de ses éléments constitutifs (une coopération particulièrement intensive dans les domaines « sensibles » du militaire et du nucléaire), et enfin le cadre officiel asymétrique et déséquilibré de cette relation. Divisée en quatre parties, organisées selon une logique chronologique, l’étude présente l’évolution de cette « relation spéciale » et ses différentes dimensions : bilatérale (relations militaires, nucléaires et économiques), régionale (relations en Afrique méridionale, dans la zone de l’océan Indien et en Afrique) et multilatérale (débats à l’ONU, au FMI, et dans le cadre de la CEE). A travers l’analyse des discussions au sein des institutions françaises et des prises de position dans les enceintes internationales, cette analyse reconstitue l’attitude ambiguë de la France envers la question de l’apartheid, les contradictions de la politique d’indépendance française de même que de la politique africaine de la France. Tout en privilégiant le cadre officiel, elle propose aussi une analyse du rôle des « intermédiaires » – parlementaires, entreprises et « marchands de canons » – dans la conduite et la réalisation des objectifs de la politique française vis-à-vis de l’Afrique du Sud. / Based on the original French and South African archives, this dissertation examines the relationship between France and South Africa under the administration of Charles de Gaulle et Georges Pomidou. Several elements explain why this relation may be qualified as « special »: the fact that South Africa didn’t belong to the traditional zone of French influence, the context in which this relation emerges (the process of decolonization along with the international condemnation of the regime of apartheid), its specialization (the close cooperation in the military and nuclear field) and its official atypical frame. Divided into four chronological parts, the dissertation presents the evolution of this « special relationship » and its different dimensions: bilateral (relations in military, nuclear and economic field), regional (relations in Southern Africa, in zone of the Indian Ocean and in Africa) and multilateral (debats at UN, IMF and EEC). By analyzing the discussions within the French institutions and the statements in international arena, this study reconstructs the ambiguous attitude of France towards the question of apartheid, the contradictions of the French policy of national independence as well of the French African policy. While the dissertation emphasizes the official framework, it also tempts to analyses the role of intermediates (parliamentarians, enterprises and military industry) in the conduct of French policy towards South Africa.

The thesis provides a multidimensional view of the development of the external relations of the European Communities and the European Union (EU) with the developing countries divided into four geographic regions -- the Mediterranean; the Africa, Caribbean, Pacific Group; Latin America and Asia. The thesis is divided into three chapters. In the first chapter, the thesis aims to examine the importance and efficiency of the external relations of the EU and the difference between non-reciprocal and reciprocal approach in trade relations between countries on a theoretical level. The second chapter consequently demonstrates differences between non-reciprocal and reciprocal approach on the development of the external relations of the EU towards developing countries and on the latest changes carried out within the external relations of the EU as well where the 90s of the 20th century are considered as the decisive period in this sense. The third chapter focuses on the evaluation of the shift towards reciprocal cooperation and on the main causes of this process. Moreover, it analyzes the existence of the potential analogy in the approach of the EU towards developing regions in particular and perspectives of the external relations of the EU towards developing countries in the future.

Title of Thesis : A study on relationship between project manager behavior and employee job performance in Kaohsiung Rapid Transit building project Name of student: Hui-Wen Cheng Advisor: Dr. Jin-Feng Uen Abstract: The project style organization is normal state in many businesses. The purpose of mission of project is finish job quality by limit budget. Nowadays, Engineering or building project by cooperation to under take a large scale public engineering to resolve problems of plan, design and work. The combinations of project members are provisional, maybe they are work for the different departments for the same company or they work for different companies, maybe they are short-tern workers for project, so the employee source of project is complicated. And there are many important works for building projects, including control budget, plan, and resources distribution properly, so project management is difficult, and project manager¡¦s role is very important. Manager has to share information, trend participated leadership with team and discuss openly to solve problem to complete project. Manager also needs to encourage team members to work together in the project management. This case refers to several references, project manger behaviors defines the following: concern for people, information provide, job goals, external relations and performance rewords.Therefore, project manager behaviors for project organization of members have certain inflation and also has indirectly effect ion. This is a case of KMRT and studies between project manager behavior and employees of job performance including employees of job satisfied, employees of individual personality and job enrichment, etc. It also studies in some circumstances between project manager behavior and employees of job performance. These evidences show as followings¡G 1. Project manager emphasizes information provide and it obviously affect with employees of job performance. 2. Project manager emphasizes concern for people and it obviously affect with employees of job satisfaction. 3. Project manager emphasizes information provide and it obviously affect with employees of job satisfaction. 4. Job enrichment for project manager to emphasize performance and employee of job satisfaction is effective interruptedly. 5. Project employees of different departments for project manager to emphasize concern for people and employee of job satisfaction is effective interruptedly. 6. Age of project employees for project manager to emphasize external relations and employee of job satisfaction is effective interruptedly. 7. Project employees of different departments for project manager to emphasize external relations and employee of job satisfaction is effective interruptedly. 8. Project employees of different positions for project manager to emphasize external relations and employee of job satisfaction is effective interruptedly.

This dissertation endeavours to address an identified gap in literature concerning the relationship between New Zealand and the European Union (EU) in the field of research, science and technology (RS&T). Examination of the partnership begins with the creation of the Science and Technological Cooperation (STC) Arrangement in 1991 and comes to a close in 2008, following the Arrangement’s ‘upgrade’ to an STC Agreement on 16 July. During this time, the intensification of the EU’s activities in RS&T is evident. The Seventh Framework Programme (FP7) currently constitutes the most internationalised Programme to date. Identifying the complementary nature of New Zealand and EU research priorities thus suggests that now, more than ever, the New Zealand research community stands to gain from participation within such an inclusive venture. Aiming to assess the current status of New Zealand-EU research collaboration, the research identifies a number of recurring themes, both positive and negative, that influence the nature of the RS&T relationship. These themes focus on problems concerning visibility within the EU, geographical isolation from this important market, an absence of targeted domestic funding for New Zealand-EU RS&T collaboration and the unwieldy bureaucratic process of the Framework Programme. The research also determines the importance of both ‘official’ and ‘informal’ mechanisms’ in combating the outlined collaborative bottlenecks. Taking these themes into account, the thesis ultimately looks to provide recommendations concerning the future of New Zealand-EU engagement in this field.

Le rapprochement entre dégradation environnementale et défis de sécurité s’est effectué très progressivement, même si de nombreuses divergences subsistent, en particulier sur les causes et enjeux sous-jacents de ce rapprochement. Les effets de plus en plus notables du changement climatique dans nos sociétés ont, pourtant, indirectement permis à ces questions d’opérer une percée dans l’agenda politique international. L’Union européenne, elle-même née d’un exercice réussi de prévention des conflits et leader de la protection internationale de l’environnement est-elle en mesure de contribuer à cet objectif ? Au-delà de l’urgence écologique, la sécurité environnementale porte en son sein des éléments qui pourraient en faire l’un des moteurs de la politique étrangère de l’Union européenne en contribuant à une meilleure appréhension des causes profondes et multiples des conflits, pouvant à la fois soutenir la stabilité internationale et renforcer le rôle de l’UE en tant qu’acteur global. / The link between environmental problems and risks to security is progressively gaining ground, even though diverging opinions still prevail as to the exact nature and challenges of this interaction. The increasingly visible impacts of climate change have indirectly strengthened the prominence of this issue on the international agenda. Can the European Union, born itself from a successful approach to conflict prevention and international leader for environmental protection contribute to this aim ? Beyond the immediate urgency of environmental problems, environmental security carries several elements which could turn it into a driving force for the European Union's foreign policy by an improved understanding of the actual roots and multifaceted nature of numerous conflicts. This would allow the EU to support global stability and to strengthen its role on the international scene.