Orientador: Flávia de Campos Mello / Banca: Ricardo Ubiraci Sennes / Banca: Sebastião Velasco e Cruz / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: Este trabalho é resultado da integração de duas linhas de estudo: os estudos próprios da Política Externa Brasileira, área inserida no campo das relações internacionais; e os estudos sobre a economia política do financiamento, com especial atenção para a caracterização do sistema público de financiamento brasileiro. Ambas as áreas resguardam uma preocupação central: o desenvolvimento econômico do Brasil. Esta pesquisa procura mapear duas questões centrais: a articulação entre o BNDES e a política externa brasileira na América do Sul dentro da agenda da prioridade conferida para a integração regional pelo governo Lula no período de 2003 a 2007; e o modelo de participação e exposição financeira do Brasil na região defendido por este governo. O trabalho procura destacar a evolução da importância da temática financeira na agenda da Política Externa do governo Lula. Ao mesmo tempo, a pesquisa verifica que o tema financeiro regional proposto pelo governo Lula resguarda uma modelagem própria que está de acordo com as características das condições infra-estruturais da arquitetura financeira nacional. As conclusões direcionam para a orientação de que o Brasil ainda não é um ator que resguarde uma condição de liderança no processo de aprofundamento da integração regional ao introduzir nas discussões das iniciativas os elementos de ordem financeira. A condição própria da arquitetura financeira do Brasil e a estrutura do BNDES não possibilitam ao país exercer qualquer tipo de liderança material e política referentes aos processos de construção dos laços integradores entre os países da América do Sul. Argumenta-se que a prioridade conferida para a integração regional está condizente com as orientações das políticas econômicas e industriais estruturadas no âmbito do Estado brasileiro. / Abstract: This work encompasses two different thematic areas: the Brazilian foreign policy studies, area concentrated on the studies of international relations; and the studies with focus on the financial political economy, with special attention to Brazil's public system characterization. Both areas regard a central concern: Brazil's economic development. This research seeks to map two central questions: the articulation between BNDES and PEB for the period from 2003 to 2007; and the Brazil's financial model of participation and exposure in the South-American region defended by this government. This work manages to highlight the importance of financial theme on Brazil's foreign policy agenda during Lula's administration. At the same time, this work understands that the regional financial theme proposed by Lula's government regards a lineage structured in Brazilian financial condition. / Mestre

This research explores the impact of Eurasianism on Turkish foreign policy since the end of the Cold War. It investigates the discourses of Eurasianism and the way they are interpreted by the polity and consequently implemented in the foreign policy making in Turkey. In this sense, this research was carried out using literature reviews and interviews in order to respond to the following question: Considering that Turkey has increasingly been pursuing an active and multidimensional foreign policy since the end of the Cold War, how have the discourses of Eurasianism been influencing the contemporary Turkish foreign policy making? The research unpacks the dynamics of contemporary Turkish foreign policy and responds to the debate on whether or not Turkey’s international relations axis is shifting eastwards. Having questioned if such a foreign policy shift exists, the thesis then questions to what extent the process has been informed and channelled by Eurasianism by focussing on three periods since the early 1990s: Özal era (1983-1993), Cem era (1997-2002), Davutoğlu era (2003-2011). Finally, the research presents a set of conclusions on how Eurasianism has been a strong influence on foreign policy making in Turkey and what internal and external socio-economic and political factors have played a critical role in this process.

Subject of the thesis is the Canadian foreign policy towards the USA. It deals with its historic development from beginnings up to now. Special accent is put on the last 30 years. The thesis is divided into three parts. The actual Canadian-American relation is laid out in the third part, where as the broader context of the Canadian foreign policy is outlined in the first two chapters. Domestic environment of foreign policy such as geographic, demographic, institutional and economic aspects are highlighted in the first chapter. Canada is a former British colony and had to evolve to attain its status as an international agent, this process is introduced in the second chapter.

The aim of the master thesis is to analyze the Visegrad foreign policies towards Kosovo and moreover the question of the development of its international status as a sovereign state. First, the focus is on the context of action of thoses four countries in a stategical and historical perspective. Then it is described how are constructed the foreign policies the Visegrad countries towards the specific question of Kosovo, taking into account the different national constraints and opportunities.

This thesis is a study and evaluation of Russian foreign policy in the Balkan Wars, 1912-13. Its primary purpose is to seek out and define the goals and aspirations of Russian diplomacy at this time and evaluate them in terms of success or failure.

Although much has been written about South African foreign policy very little focus has been on the African perspective in analysing policy actions. Furthermore, South Africa has regularly been criticised for being consistent in its criticism of Israel but inconsistent in other human rights issues. This so-called contradiction in South Africa’s foreign policy on Israel in relation to the Palestinian question, when compared to other human rights’ issues, demands an in-depth analysis of the decisions taken by the South African government that is not limited to rigid, pro-West paradigms. South Africa post-1994 is characterised by a context that includes historical experiences of injustice, abuse, apartheid, colonialism, racial discrimination and racial subjugation. It is a country whose leaders and people understand the notion of human indignity because of the impact of supremacist ideologies. The South African government, based on historical, practical and moral (human rights) grounds has indicated its committed support for the Palestinian struggle against Israeli apartheid and occupation. Accordingly, South Africa’s foreign policy stance on Israel has been consistent since 1994, although until 2008, it offered little in terms of real (punitive or sanctioning) action against Israel. Although the focus of this paper is on the Zuma government’s foreign policy on Israel in relation to the Palestinian question, a discussion on pre-1994 South Africa’s symbiotic relations with Israel is included considering the impact of historical experiences in decision making. This study also considers the foreign policy of the Mandela and Mbeki governments on the Palestinian issue which is important in providing a context to the understanding regarding the purported shift and contestation in the Zuma government’s foreign policy on Israel in relation to the Palestinian question. This shift is analysed by highlighting specific foreign policy actions and the role of key actors in attempting to influence those policy actions. From an academic perspective, the author considers four key areas which include a) human rights, b) foreign policy, c) human rights and ethics in foreign policy and d) global apartheid, foreign policy and human rights which are integrated within the structures of analytic eclecticism allowing for multiple levels of analysis. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2014. / gm2015 / Centre for Human Rights / LLM / Unrestricted

This dissertation is the first systematic study of Armenia’s foreign policy during the post-independence period, between 1991 and 2004. It argues that a small state’s foreign policy is best understood when looking at the regional level. Armenia’s geographic proximity to Iran, Russia and Turkey, places it in an area of heightened geopolitical interest by various great powers. This dissertation explores four sets of relationships with Armenia’s major historical ‘partners’: Russia, Iran, Turkey and the West (Europe and the United States). Each relationship reveals a complex reality of a continuous negotiation between ideas of history, collective memory, nationalism and geopolitics. A detailed study of Armenia’s relations with these powers demonstrates how actors’ relations of amity and enmity are formed to constitute a regional security complex. Turkey represents the ultimate “other”, while both Europe and Iran are seen as ideational “others”, whose role in Armenia’s foreign policy, aside from pragmatic policy considerations, reflects a normative quest. Russia and the United States, on the other hand, represent the powerful structural forces that define the regional security complex, in which Armenia operates. This dissertation argues that although Armenia has been severely constrained in certain foreign policy choices, it was adept at carving a space for action that privileged the issue of Nagorno-Karabakh over other geopolitical imperatives.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T13:42:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rinaldi_AugustoLeal_M.pdf: 1279497 bytes, checksum: a72ebaef1f5802a3bff057cfc11e2fe8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Neste trabalho, buscou-se identificar, a partir de uma perspectiva histórica, em que momento no passado o governo Lula da Silva busca suas orientações diplomáticas. Partimos da hipótese de que a montagem da agenda externa deste governo, se tratando dos temas e objetivos estabelecidos e da correspondente estratégia de inserção internacional assumida, se assemelha àquela efetuada pelos governos de Jânio Quadros e João Goulart, cujas diretrizes diplomáticas se consubstanciaram na chamada Política Externa Independente. A partir de um estudo mais detalhado das políticas externas, chegamos à conclusão de que o reposicionamento de determinados temas e formas de atuação internacional efetuado durante o governo Lula, principalmente se tratado da leitura da realidade internacional, dos interesses estabelecidos e do respectivo papel do Brasil neste contexto, encontra forte correspondência no período da primeira década dos anos sessenta, evidenciando uma conjugação de princípios, interesses e estratégias que perpassam ambos os momentos. Não obstante a diferenciação conjuntural e de capacidades do país de se articular no exterior, os dois momentos encerram tamanhas semelhanças ¿ a despeito das diferenças ¿ que podemos inferir a tese segundo a qual a formulação da PEI fora retomada e atualizada pelo governo Lula, dispondo, neste momento, de novos recursos e instrumentos e adaptando-se a um cenário internacional mais favorável à atuação nesses moldes / Abstract: In this study, we sought to identify, in a historical perspective, at what time in the past Lula da Silva government seeks their diplomatic guidelines. Our hypothesis is that the assembly of the external agenda of this government, in the case of the themes and objectives set and the corresponding assumed international insertion strategy resembles that made by the governments of Quadros and Goulart, whose diplomatic guidelines are substantiated by the so-called Independent Foreign Policy. By a more detailed study of the foreign policy, we concluded that the repositioning of certain themes and forms of international activities carried out during Lula¿s government, mainly the reading of the international reality, the establishing interests and the Brazil¿s role in this context, have a strong correspondence in the period of the first decade of the sixties, showing a combination of principles, interests and strategies that underlie both moments. Despite the difference of conjecture and the country¿s capabilities to articulate abroad, the two moments contain such great similarities ¿ albeit the differences ¿ that we can infer the argument that the PEI formulation out resumed and updated by Lula¿s government, offering, this time, new resources and tools and adapting to a more favorable international scenario the action along these lines / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

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The purpose of this thesis is to obtain a deeper and more conclusive understanding of Russia’s public foreign policy with regards to the religious aspect through the research question - What indications for a religious agenda with respect to Islam are expressed in Russian foreign policy as it is presented in the international arena? A Muslim belt with a non-Soviet identity emerged along Russia's southern border after the fall of the Soviet Union. It was thus vital for Russia to define its attitude towards the Islamist threat and included the Islamic factor in its foreign policy. Islamic diplomacy in Russian foreign policy is strongly linked to the security factor. The thesis aims to examine Russia's foreign policy agenda from a religious perspective and conclude whether there is a clear foreign strategy derived from Islamic principles and influences, or if the country’s strategy is strictly pragmatic. The theory used to analyze this phenomenon is constructivism which presumes that (national) identities and interests are socially constructed and, thus, changeable. Content analysis is the designated method since it is considered suitable for discovering patterns in textual material. A coding scheme consisting of four categories derived from constructivism, namely; national interests; identity; actors and; culture, is constructed to distinguish if Islam has any effect on Russian foreign policy. It is concluded that Russian foreign policy agenda has Islamic influences. However, the frequency and strength of several indicators detected in the analysis can be questioned. The results indicated that the social context may have an impact on the foreign policy outcome in terms of religious motivated interests. It was nevertheless determined that this also could be due to a pragmatic strategy that lacks religious influences.