This paper examines the response of Swedish local governments to a targeted intergovernmental stimulus grant aimed at increasing staffing levels in elderly care. The focus is on two key outcomes: municipal elderly care personnel costs relative to total municipal costs and the number of full-time employees in elderly care per elderly user. An OLS regression based on panel data between 2011 and 2018 initially estimates the grant’s spending effects. An instrumental variable (IV) model is then employed to address potential endogeneity, utilizing an update in the grant allocation formula. Both the OLS and IV estimates suggest that the stimulus grant has no discernible effect on the ratio of elderly care personnel costs to total municipal spending. Furthermore, the IV results show insignificant short-run effects on full-time employment in elderly care. However, significant increases are observed three years after the allocation formula update. The overall effects confirm standard economic grant theory predicting how non-matching targeted grants only contribute to an income effect.

This research is about Mai kadra massacre that happened on Nov. 9 2020 during the Ethiopian National Defense Force law enforcement operation against the Tigray regional state. The massacre has ended with two conflicting narratives. This short research is therefore to clearly analyze secondary data collected (sources) against the two narratives of the massacre. Though there were difficulties to get as many documents as possible, the already collected data with some additional sources were used to answer the research questions and to give solutions for the research problems. At the beginning, this study presented the details of all the main documents to explain what claims about the Mai kadra massacre have raised. Secondly, claimed reasons about the massacre have discussed to answer one of the research questions (why the massacre has happened?) based on the secondary data collected and some other related documents. At last, the different themes formed have been analyzed against the two opposing narratives of this study. In relation to data analysis, thematic analysis under qualitative approach is used. Significant and essential theme ideas are drawn out from the data collected and organized in to different themes. All the themes are described and summarized according to their position about the two conflicting narratives in order to give clear information for readers. Opinions of the researcher are also added.

This paper surveys the theoretical and empirical research on the efficient assignment of policy tasks to different levels of government and applies the results on the delimitation of competences within the European Union. The main results are: (i) A precise derivation of an optimal degree of decentralisation is not possible because of mixed theoretical suggestions. The adequate degree of decentralisation has to be detected case-by-case. (ii) Systematic evidence on direct relationships between economic performance and fiscal decentralisation is ambiguous and scarce. (iii) Comparing the de facto delimitation of EU-competences with the normative recommendations, remarkable discrepancies arise in the fields of agriculture and defence. (iv) The establishment of a flexible assignment-scheme by the European Convention is an undeniable necessity in order to guarantee reversibility and to cope efficiently with changing general conditions. (author's abstract) / Series: EI Working Papers / Europainstitut

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marina Giacomelli Mota.pdf: 1425025 bytes, checksum: 18f6af35d73d5ca240a449db76e2b04e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-03 / Fundo Mackenzie de Pesquisa / This is an analysis of the Federal Pact, from the aspect of the tax issue, which involves taxing power of each federal entity and, therefore, revenue distribution between them. Since the moment that Brazil has established itself as a federalist country, thus, adopted a decentralized mode of political power and administrative organization, it is up to federal entities, by means of a coordination relationship and cooperation pursue national development and the enforcement of the fundamental rights of citizens by ensuring the integrity of the Social and Democratic State of Law. Since the tax collection is the main source of income of the Union, states, Federal District and municipalities, is from the fiscal federalism, that public policies are thought. Thus, in the first chapter, is made a historical presentation of federalism in the Brazilian State and its relationship with each moment lived by the country. In the second chapter, is discussed the taxing power constitutionally attributed to federal entities. Continuing, the third chapter dealt with the distribution arising from the tax collection revenue. And at the last chapter, is related the issue of allocation of tax powers to with division of revenues. / Trata-se de uma análise do Pacto federativo, a partir da vertente da questão fiscal, que envolve a competência tributária de cada ente federado e, consequentemente, a distribuição de receita entre eles. Desde o momento que o Brasil se estabeleceu como um país federalista, portanto, adotou um modo descentralizado de poder político e de organização administrativa, coube aos entes federados, por meio de uma relação de coordenação e cooperação buscarem o desenvolvimento nacional e a efetivação dos direitos fundamentais dos cidadãos, garantindo a integridade do Estado Social e Democrático de Direito. Uma vez que a arrecadação tributária é a principal fonte de receita da União, estados, Distrito Federal e municípios, é a partir do federalismo fiscal, que são pensadas as políticas públicas Assim, no primeiro capítulo, fazemos uma apresentação, de cunho histórico, do federalismo dentro do Estado brasileiro e de sua relação com cada momento vivido pelo país. No segundo capítulo, abordamos a competência tributária atribuída, constitucionalmente, aos entes federativos. Seguindo, no terceiro capítulo tratamos da distribuição de receita oriunda da arrecadação de tributos. Por último, relacionamos a questão da atribuição de competências tributárias com a divisão de sua receita.

Diaspora communities are becoming an essential part of socioeconomic and political developments of their homeland countries. The problem addressed by this study is that after ethnic federalism was implemented in Ethiopia, the Ethiopian diaspora in the US is divided along ethnic lines, causing human resource management and law enforcement challenges within the communities in the host country. The purpose of this study was to describe the impacts of Ethiopia's ethnic-based federalism on its diaspora residing in a US metropolitan area. The theoretical framework was based on Teshome and ZáhoÅ?ík's theory of ethnic federalism and Safran's theory of diaspora. The key research question examined how ethnic-based federalism in Ethiopia affects perceptions of members of the Ethiopian diaspora in the US. This qualitative ethnographic study included interviews with 15 members of the Ethiopian diaspora community residing in the Washington, DC metro area. The data were thematically coded and analyzed with the help of qualitative data analysis software. Findings revealed that the Ethiopian diaspora in the US is constantly involving in its homeland affairs, although in a fragmented and dis-unified manner. Ethnic-based federalism is not only divisive but also serving as the main source for ethnic bias among the Ethiopian diaspora. Ethnic resentment has surfaced and created a we versus them mentality in every aspect of diaspora's life activities. Recommendations include the Ethiopian government establishing a Truth and Reconciliation Commission and identifying a better form of federalism for the country. The implications for positive social change include integrating voices of the Ethiopian diaspora community in the policy making processes of the home and host governments.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Gollo Ribeiro.pdf: 684936 bytes, checksum: bab136515a8832e1e6c94dc570d88f10 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-19 / The discussion of tax incentives is not new in the legal world, especially for the tax law. However, in the country, eventually gaining more impact at the moment, in view of the entities of the federation, particularly the municipalities, they increasingly seek alternatives to promote certain activities and local development. The federal state along the Brazilian constitutional history went through periods of greater or lesser centralization, where the municipalities have experienced changes in their autonomy, but most often very dependent on the advent of the Union Constitution of 1988 was to promote greater decentralization in the planning and implementation of government policies, the municipalities have gained greater autonomy (political, administrative and financial) and over time, particularly since the enactment of subsequent constitutional amendments, has gained greater powers. The division of tasks and responsibilities between the entities of the federation, in conjunction with an imbalance on the revenue available, just creating a crisis in fiscal federalism. Increasingly, public policies are collected Cities and increasingly fail revenue. With the aim of promoting local development, with increasing economic activity and attraction of businesses to the area and thus, enabling the implementation of public policies for the population, many municipalities make use of incentives, including tax on these. The research aims at examining the role of tax incentives under the Municipalities, analyzing the feasibility and process of granting, and limitations facing the legal and economic structure of the country. / A discussão sobre os incentivos fiscais não é uma novidade no mundo jurídico, em especial para o direito tributário. No entanto, no País, acabou ganhando maior repercussão no momento atual, tendo em vista os entes da federação, no presente caso os Municípios, cada vez mais buscarem neles alternativas para fomentar determinadas atividades e o desenvolvimento local. O Estado federal brasileiro ao longo da história constitucional passou por períodos de maior ou menor centralização, onde os Municípios experimentaram variação em sua autonomia, sendo que na maioria das vezes muito dependentes da União. O advento da Constituição de 1988 veio promover uma maior descentralização no planejamento e na execução das políticas governamentais, os Municípios como nunca, ganharam maior autonomia (política, administrativa e financeira) e ao longo do tempo, principalmente a partir da promulgação de sucessivas emendas constitucionais, ganhou também maiores atribuições. A divisão de tarefas e competências entre os entes da federação, conjugado com um desequilíbrio em relação às receitas disponíveis, acabou gerando uma crise em nosso federalismo fiscal. Cada vez mais são cobradas políticas públicas dos Municípios e cada vez mais mínguam as receitas. No desígnio de promover o desenvolvimento local, com incremento de atividades econômicas e atração de empresas para o seu território, e com isso, a possibilidade na implementação de políticas públicas para a população, muitos Municípios lançam mão de incentivos, nestes incluídos os fiscais. A pesquisa tem por escopo analisar o papel dos incentivos fiscais no âmbito dos Municípios, analisando a viabilidade e o processo de concessão, e os limites diante da estrutura jurídica e econômica do País.

Le multiculturalisme est considéré comme l’une des principales théories politiques contemporaines de la gestion de la diversité, particulièrement chez les penseurs libéraux. À cet égard, les travaux pionniers du philosophe Will Kymlicka ont permis de montrer que les questions de justice devaient dépasser les enjeux de distribution des ressources pour aussi inclure les questions de justice culturelle. En reprenant plusieurs des intuitions libérales de ses prédécesseurs, Kymlicka est parvenu à proposer un modèle original de gestion des droits culturels. On peut cependant se demander dans quelle mesure les théories de ces prédécesseurs ont pu influencer le multiculturalisme libéral. N’est-il pas raisonnable de supposer que les théories de la diversité culturelle comme le multiculturalisme libéral ont reconduit certains éléments théoriques des premières réflexions libérales sur la diversité? Et, si oui, quel impact cet héritage impérial a-t-il eu sur les solutions envisagées et sur la façon dont le problème de la diversité a été posé? Dans l’optique où les espaces impériaux furent parmi les premiers ensembles à devoir gérer la diversité culturelle, on peut se demander dans quelle mesure les théories contemporaines de la gestion de la diversité culturelle rompent avec les théories impériales de la gestion de la diversité culturelle. Plus précisément, on peut se demander s’il existe des continuités théoriques entre une théorie du multiculturalisme libéral telle que celle proposée par Kymlicka et la façon dont les libéraux du XIXe théorisaient le problème de la diversité culturelle à l’époque des empires plurinationaux. Les théories du multiculturalisme libéral auraient-elles reconduit certains biais impérialistes ou coloniaux? Ou, à l’inverse, les critiques faites à leur endroit ne sont-elles pas infondées et ne manquent-elles pas leur cible en s’attaquant aux théories du multiculturalisme? Comment doit-on penser la relation entre empire, colonialisme et multiculturalisme? Dans le cadre de cette thèse, nous avons donc cherché à répondre à ces interrogations en partant de deux questions : existe-t-il un biais impérial dans les théories du multiculturalisme et, si oui, comment peut-on le corriger? Ces deux questions ont pour but de nous aider à comprendre comment le passé impérial des sociétés peut nous aider à mieux saisir les enjeux philosophiques et politiques liés à la question de la diversité culturelle. La présente thèse propose donc de repenser les théories du multiculturalisme libéral à l’aune de leur passé impérial. Pour ce faire, notre réflexion sera construite autour d’une analyse critique des travaux de l’un des principaux penseurs du multiculturalisme libéral : Kymlicka. En partant des travaux de ce dernier, nous tenterons de reconstruire les lignes de continuité théorique qui ont pu exister entre le multiculturalisme libéral et les libéraux impériaux du XIXe siècle. Nous mettrons ainsi en dialogue la théorie libérale de Kymlicka avec les théories de certains de ses prédécesseurs libéraux, notamment John Stuart Mill, Lord Acton et Alfred Zimmern. Cette reconstruction historique nous permettra de mieux comprendre sur quels aspects les propositions de Kymlicka se distinguent de celles de ses prédécesseurs ou, à l’inverse, quels biais elles reconduisent en s’appuyant sur celles-ci. En retour, nous nous pencherons sur les critiques contemporaines qui ont été faites à l’endroit du multiculturalisme libéral, notamment afin de comprendre dans quelle mesure ces critiques se rattachent à la question du passé impérial d’une société comme le Canada. En mettant en place cette double perspective critique, à la fois historique et philosophique, notre ambition est de mieux comprendre les limites des théories du multiculturalisme libéral, et ce, afin de pouvoir en arriver à proposer de nouvelles avenues pour penser la cohabitation des peuples. Pour répondre à ces objectifs, nous soutiendrons dans un premier temps que les théoriciens du multiculturalisme libéral reconduisent un biais impérial en prenant pour acquise la question de la légitimité. Ce faisant, ils laissent de côté la question de l’autorité politique : qui possède le pouvoir sur qui? Dans un deuxième temps, nous argumenterons que les théories du multiculturalisme libéral peuvent mieux réaliser l’idéal d’autonomie des groupes culturels qu’ils défendent en utilisant une conception de l’autonomie fondée sur le concept de non-domination. En partant des travaux d’Iris Marion Young, nous soutiendrons que les concepts d’autonomie relationnelle et d’autodétermination comme non-domination permettent de mieux réaliser le principe d’égalité entre les peuples que ne le font les conceptions classiques de l’autodétermination interne défendues par les libéraux. Cependant, si les propositions théoriques de Young nous permettent d’accroître le potentiel critique des théories du multiculturalisme, nous montrerons qu’elles doivent néanmoins intégrer une conception plus forte des groupes culturels et donc, recourir à une ontologie sociale légèrement différente pour le faire de manière effective. / Multiculturalism is considered one of the main contemporary political theories of diversity management, particularly among liberal thinkers. In this regard, the pioneering work of philosopher Will Kymlicka helped to show that questions of justice must go beyond issues of resources distribution to also include issues of cultural justice. By taking up many of the liberal insights of his predecessors, Kymlicka has succeeded in proposing an original model of cultural rights management. However, it is questionable to what extent the theories of his predecessors have influenced liberal multiculturalism. Is it not reasonable to assume that both theories of cultural diversity and liberal multiculturalism have carried over some of the theoretical elements of early liberal thinking on diversity? And, if so, what impact has this imperial legacy had on the solutions envisioned and on how the problem of diversity has been posed? Since imperial spaces were among the first sets to have to manage cultural diversity, one may ask to what extent current theories of cultural management break with imperial theories of cultural diversity management . Specifically, one might ask whether there are theoretical continuities between a theory of liberal multiculturalism as the one proposed by Kymlicka and the way nineteenth-century liberals theorized the problem of cultural diversity in the era of plurinational empires. Do theories of liberal multiculturalism have renewed certain imperialist or colonial biases? Or, conversely, are the criticisms leveled at them not unfounded, and do they not miss their target in attacking theories of multiculturalism? How should we think about the relationship between empire, colonialism, and multiculturalism? In this thesis, we sought to answer these matters based on two questions: is there an imperial bias in theories of multiculturalism and, if so, how can it be corrected? These two questions are intended to help us understand how the imperial past of societies can help us better understand the philosophical and political issues related to the question of cultural diversity. This thesis, therefore, proposes to rethink theories of liberal multiculturalism by considering their imperial past. To do so, our reflection will be built around a critical analysis of the work of one of the main thinkers of liberal multiculturalism: Kymlicka. Starting from his work, we will attempt to reconstruct the lines of theoretical continuity that may have existed between liberal multiculturalism and the imperial liberals of the 19th century. We will thus put Kymlicka's liberal theory in dialogue with the theories of some of his liberal predecessors, notably John Stuart Mill, Lord Acton, and Alfred Zimmern. This historical reconstruction will allow us to better understand in which aspects Kymlicka's proposals differ from his predecessors or, conversely, which biases he reproduces by relying on them. At a second level, we will look at contemporary critiques of liberal multiculturalism, particularly to understand how these critiques relate to the question of the imperial past of a society like Canada. By putting in place this double critical perspective, both historical and philosophical, our ambition is to better understand the limits of theories of liberal multiculturalism and to be able to propose new avenues for thinking about the cohabitation of peoples. To address these objectives, we will first argue that theorists of liberal multiculturalism reproduce an imperial bias by taking for granted the question of legitimacy. In doing so, they leave aside the question of political authority: who has power over whom? Second, we will argue that theories of liberal multiculturalism can better realize the ideal of autonomy for cultural groups that they defend by using a conception of autonomy based on the concept of non-domination. Drawing on Iris Marion Young's work, we will argue that the concepts of relational autonomy and self-determination as non-domination better realize the principle of equality among peoples than do classical conceptions of internal self-determination defended by liberals. However, if Young's theoretical proposals allow us to increase the critical potential of theories of multiculturalism, we will show that they must nonetheless incorporate a stronger conception of cultural groups and thus, a slightly different social ontology if we want this alternative to be effective.

With water resources becoming scarcer every year, studying the negotiation processes that leads to the treaties that govern the distribution of water rights across national boundaries is more important than ever. Sub-state units sometimes play an important role in the negotiation of such treaties and thus it is important to better understand how specific types of regional, transborder sub-state units operate both within the context of their respective federal systems and in relation to each other. Exploring the case study of the Columbia River Treaty—governing the area known as the upper Columbia River Basin— and the Water Policy Working Group of the Pacific NorthWest Economic Region (PNWER), this thesis uses documentary sources and original qualitative interviews to examine the roles of sub-state governments and federalism on the original Columbia River Treaty negotiations, as well as the effect the historical legacy of the Treaty negotiations has left on constituent diplomacy today. Examining constituent diplomacy through a micro rather than macro lens, the thesis also explores the role of constituent diplomacy within PNWER with respect to the upcoming Columbia River Treaty negotiations and the impact that PNWER’s governance model has on the effectiveness and functionality of constituent diplomacy. The thesis demonstrates that sub-state governments, specifically the B.C. government, played a vital role in original Treaty negotiations, and suggests that the past Treaty negotiations are relevant to constituent diplomacy today because of modern-day and future Treaty negotiations and ongoing Treaty implementation. Drawing on documentary evidence and original interview data, this thesis details current PNWER governance structures and practices and then moves to argue that the structure, functions and dynamics of the Canadian and American federal systems can impact the effectiveness and functionality of constituent diplomacy.