Canada and the United States are faced with many cross-border environmental issues and therefore must negotiate potential solutions with one another. Complicating such negotiations is the fact that both countries are federal systems which require negotiations and decision-making interactions amongst various levels of government domestically which, in turn, influence and are influenced by bilateral relations. Therefore, this study focuses on governmental relations both within each country (intergovernmental relations) and between the two countries (bilateral/international relations). Using the Ontario-Michigan Municipal Solid Waste dispute (1996-2006) as a case study, this thesis advances an organizational framework for the examination of the role of formal and informal interactions in shaping bilateral environmental policy. Through application of this framework, it is revealed that both formal and informal federal level relations in the U.S. prevented sub-national and local level authorities from effectively developing a solution to the dispute. Future studies which apply the organizational framework used in this thesis to other cross-border environmental issues are needed in order to determine whether such conclusions hold true in the case of all cross border disputes.

Canada and the United States are faced with many cross-border environmental issues and therefore must negotiate potential solutions with one another. Complicating such negotiations is the fact that both countries are federal systems which require negotiations and decision-making interactions amongst various levels of government domestically which, in turn, influence and are influenced by bilateral relations. Therefore, this study focuses on governmental relations both within each country (intergovernmental relations) and between the two countries (bilateral/international relations). Using the Ontario-Michigan Municipal Solid Waste dispute (1996-2006) as a case study, this thesis advances an organizational framework for the examination of the role of formal and informal interactions in shaping bilateral environmental policy. Through application of this framework, it is revealed that both formal and informal federal level relations in the U.S. prevented sub-national and local level authorities from effectively developing a solution to the dispute. Future studies which apply the organizational framework used in this thesis to other cross-border environmental issues are needed in order to determine whether such conclusions hold true in the case of all cross border disputes.

The ad hoc Offshore Accords signed between the Martin Government, and each Newfoundland and Nova Scotia have fundamentally altered the landscape of regional redistribution in Canada. The fallout from the Accords has had an immediate impact on the functioning of the Equalization Program and the political factors that inform debate over future reforms. This thesis examines the factors that led to the February 2005 Offshore Accords. It also examines the case of Saskatchewan's treatment under the Equalization Program

The budget of the European Union has accomplished a significant role for European integration in the history of the Union. However, it has not resulted into anticipated developments compatible with the Union&rsquo / s institutional policy reform process in the last decades. The budget has emerged as a consequence of path dependent developments in its historical progress, which has dragged the European Union to a critical stage. It is rather challenging for the Union now to sustain the current structure of the budget, since it exposes some disadvantages to continue with this structure in an enlarging and deepening Union. In spite of various reform proposals, there is no appropriate theoretical ground for the budgetary politics of the European Union to be channelled through strengthening the link between the Union and European citizens. This thesis attempts to approach the existing problems associated with expenditures and revenues of the current budget from the social constructive policy perspective, in line with the major question of &ldquo / how the budget can be made more socially constructive by utilizing expenditures and revenues?&rdquo / The study has three major objectives. Firstly, it presents a historical evolution of the European Union budget in order to explore path dependent developments inherent to its historical progress. Secondly, it offers a critical analysis on the expenditure and revenue sides of the budget. Thirdly, it introduces a social constructivist policy approach on this subject as an alternative to the most prevalent approach of fiscal federalism.

<p>Subsidiaritetsprincipen är ett verktyg för att kontrollera maktfördelningen i en konstruktion som innebär att det finns olika nivåer av beslutsfattande. Principen har i EU två huvudsakliga funktioner; att värna medlemsstaternas suveränintet samt, om nödvändigt, ge beslutsmakten till den nivå som på mest effektiva sätt kan genomföra en åtgärd. Subsidiaritetsprincipens utformning i fördragen har gett upphov till ett flertal diskussioner. Exempelvis om vilka åtgärder som faller inom EU:s exklusiva kompetens respektive vilka åtgärder som bör fallla under den konkurrerande kompetensen och därmed avgöras i enlighet med subsidiaritetsprincipen. Mitt syfte med denna uppsats är att ge en utförlig beskrivning av, samt diskutera kring, subsidiaritetsprincipens innebörd och omfattning, både i sitt EU-sammanhang samt som ett teoretiskt naturrättsligt begrepp. Vidare diskuteras det i uppsatsen hur långt subsidiaritetsprincipen bör sträcka sig samt huruvida en kompetenskatalog bör skapas för att reglera förhållandet mellan EU och dess medlemsstater. Min slutsats är att subsidiaritetsprincipen endast bör reglera förhållandet mellan EU och medlemsstaterna, samt att en kompetenskatalog kan komma att innebära ett skapande av en europeisk konstitution.</p>

Decentralisation and federalism are often said to mitigate conflict by better meeting the preferences of a heterogeneous population and demands for limited autonomy. But it is argued in this thesis that this perspective does not sufficiently address the ways in which conflict-ridden relations entangle processes across different scales ‒ local, regional as well as national. The aim of this thesis is to explain how it is that while decentralisation may contribute to national stability, it may simultaneously generate local conflict. This problem is analysed through a conflict in Kaduna State in north-central Nigeria where there have been outbreaks of violence between Hausa-Fulani Muslims and Christians of different ethnicities since the 1980s. Christian ethnic groups claim to be excluded from state benefits, while Muslim groups claim that Christians have undue influence over the state bureaucracy. The conflict feeds off ethnic and religious mobilisation. Expanded local political space further fuelled the conflict following the decentralisation that came with the shift from military to civilian rule in 1999. Decentralisation in Nigeria implies that the authorities should be associated with the majority ethnicity or religion in a specific territory. A localisation of politics accordingly raises the stakes in identity-based conflicts, especially as control of local institutions is necessary for inclusion in wider political processes. In Kaduna, this has led to demands for separating the state on a religious and ethnic basis. Actors make use of “scalar politics” to conform to or challenge boundaries set by the state. Social relations are associated with different boundaries.  Accordingly, decentralisation triggers conflicts on an identity basis, involving contestation over the hierarchy of scales. While national struggles between ethnic and religious groups may be subdued, conflicts play out locally as decentralisation in Nigeria makes religion and ethnicity a powerful tool for political mobilisation. / <p>At the time of the doctoral defense, the following paper was unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: Manuscript.</p>

Tatarstan’s degree of political, economic and cultural sovereignty within the Russian Federation is the result of Soviet era ethno-national politics. The re-adoption of the ethnic federal state model in 1992 by Russia allowed ethnic regions such as Tatarstan to challenge the federal authorities for con-federal relations within the Federation. The Tatar leadership has attempted to work within the institutional and legal framework of the Russian Federation in an attempt to codify their state sovereignty within the Russian Federation. The political and economic concessions gained through tedious negotiation with the center have provided the Republic with the means to build a culturally distinct and semi sovereign state in the heart of the Russian Federation. / text

Iraq is one of the world’s major oil suppliers, and over ninety percent of its government revenues come from oil exports. Developing an oil management strategy that politicians from all sects and ethnic groups can agree on is therefore paramount to the future political and economic health of the Iraqi state. Yet the new Iraqi government cannot agree on a comprehensive hydrocarbons framework that would allocate oil ownership rights and share revenues eight years after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. One major political battle preventing Iraq from developing its hydrocarbons industry is over the nature of federalism among all of the sects battling for oil wealth in Iraq. This paper focuses primarily on the issue between Kurds and Arabs, because the Kurds have actively promoted oil exploration. The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is now a constitutionally-protected region, and has signed 37 production sharing agreement contracts with international oil companies. The federal government in Baghdad deems these contracts illegal. The KRG and Baghdad also cannot agree on the borders for the region, as both sides claim oil-rich Kirkuk. This paper analyses major developments in the KRG and Baghdad oil industries since 2003 and examines possible future scenarios for the country’s oil sector. Drawing on international lessons learned from other oil-rich divided societies such as Nigeria, Sudan, Indonesia, and the United Arab Emirates, the paper suggest that oil ownership and revenue allocation should be decentralized to reduce secessionist pressure. The paper concludes with recommendations that the government needs to not only take care of obvious issues such as resolving ambiguities in the constitution and passing comprehensive hydrocarbons legislation, but it also needs to address export agreements and institute measures to ensure transparency. The KRG needs to develop its own oil industry, complete with access to export pipelines, and should be allowed to keep a higher percentage of KRG oil revenue over its current 17%. Iraq needs international mediation to resolve issues on Kirkuk and should also make innovative changes to the structure of its national oil company. These changes will facilitate the proper investing of oil wealth for future generations of Iraqis. / text

L'auteur analyse la question suivante: quelle est l'étendue des pouvoirs du Parlement fédéral canadien sur la réglementation d'Internet? Le Parlement fédéral et les différentes provinces canadiennes sont de plus en plus disposés à réglementer Internet. Or, la question du partage des compétences constitutionnelles entre le Parlement fédéral et les provinces quant à la réglementation d'Internet a été peu étudiée jusqu'à maintenant. Après avoir appliqué les principes constitutionnels au contexte propre à Internet, l'auteur conclut que les compétences législatives sont grandement partagées entre le Parlement fédéral et les provinces. / The author exammes the fol1owing question: what is the extent of the Canadian Parliament's jurisdiction over the regulation of the Internet? The Canadian Parliament and the provinces are now more open to Internet regulation. However, the subject of the distribution of powers between the federal government and the provinces over the regulation of the Internet has not yet been significant1y discussed. After a review of the relevant constitutional principles and their applications to the Internet, the author concludes that a large part of the jurisdiction over the Internet is shared between the Canadian Parliament and the provinces. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maître en droit (LL.M)"

La structure de la réglementation des valeurs mobilières au Canada fait périodiquement l'objet d'un débat public et une des questions sous-jacentes est celle du partage des compétences législatives prévu par la Constitution canadienne. Le débat a été relancé en 2003 par la recommandation d'un comité de personnes averties de centraliser cette réglementation au fédéral. Les provinces, sauf l'Ontario, demeurent opposées à l'idée, préférant plutôt l'harmonisation réglementaire. Pour alléger le fardeau réglementaire des émetteurs, elles tentent également de mettre en oeuvre un « régime de passeport ». Ce débat présente la question comme un jeu à somme nulle, occultant ainsi certains principes fondamentaux du fédéralisme: innovation provinciale dans une union économique nationale. Dans ce mémoire, nous proposons donc une structure réglementaire, basée sur la théorie de la concurrence intergouvernementale, qui s'harmonise avec les compétences du gouvernement fédéral et des provinces tout en optimisant leurs atouts respectifs. / Public debate over the structure of Canada's securities regulation occurs periodically, with the constitution al division of powers being one of its underlying issues. The debate was reignited in 2003 when a Wise Persons Committee recommended that securities be regulated centrally by the federal government. The provinces, other than Ontario, maintain their opposition to this proposai, seeking instead regulatory harmonization. To alleviate the regulatory burden on issuers, the provinces are also implementing a "passport system". However, the debate appears to present the alternatives as a zero-sum game, thereby overlooking some of federalism's fundamental principles: provincial innovation, within a national economic union. This thesis proposes a regulatory structure, based on the theory of intergovernmental competition, that remains in harmony with the constitutional powers of the federal government and the provinces, while optimizing their respective strengths. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de LL.M. en Droit des affaires". Ce mémoire a été accepté à l'unanimité et classé parmi les 10% des mémoires de la discipline. Commentaires du jury : "Le jury tient à souligner l'ampleur des recherches effectuées, la parfaite intégration des considérations juridiques et économiques et la présentation très soignée de l'ensemble du mémoire".