国立情報学研究所で電子化したコンテンツを使用している。

德教會為一個自1939年於中國潮汕傳至東南亞各國的一種教派的宗教團體，在新加坡、馬來西亞、印尼、香港、越南等國俱有屬於德教自身信仰體系的團體和信仰者存在。此宗教團體的派系計有紫、振、濟、贊化、明、緣等支系之分別，主要供奉的神明不分道佛，計有：觀音、關帝、濟公、太上老君和八仙等，其中心教義主要是以民間宗教信仰和儒、釋、道三教合一的思想與價值觀為其主幹。儘管德教所標榜的是五教（除了以上三教之外，另外兩個是基督教和伊斯蘭教）同宗且主張五教之間存在著互不相違悖的原則。本文以此宗教團體為研究對象，企圖去論述此信仰團體具備著特定的族群色彩之性質存在，在探索此信仰團體的性質、在馬來西亞當地的發展歷史過程同時，和它與當地海外華人社會的互動性關係，以進一步理解德教會此宗教組織為上述社群所帶來的若干意義性之存在，和在當地社會和特定社群當中所做出的貢獻和互動性關係。在釐清德教何以能夠在馬來西亞的華人和當地社會中以不同的程度在國內盛行及發展此關懷下，以東馬沙巴州斗湖的紫辰閣為例子，從觀察其組織、成員、模式和神學思想中去省討其在糾集當地華人之方法，思索和觀察其所主張的「五教同善」之號召下與所在的大環境之影響下所產生的因應變化及可能性，和達到跨越潮人省籍之社群和服務當地社會之目的。 / De-Jiao Hui, Moral Lifting Association（德教會）is a religious sect that origins from China, Teo-Chew（潮州） to South-eastern asia. Its believers and organizations spead to Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, Hong Kong and Vietnam. This sect separate with few branches. Their main worshipers are included Buddhism and Taoism deities. The belief which the Moral Uplifting Society composes with Chinese folk religion, Buddhism, Taoism and Confucius. Although this association makes a syncretic faith called Five Traditions or Teachings share the same origin. The teaching is included religion of Islam and Christian, propaganda for others. Through this religious group and Che Hsing Khor Moral Uplifting Society（紫辰閣） in Tawau of Sabah, by the activities which their started and launched, trying to determine the reasons and methods of this belief association become popular and successfully attaching local believers in Malaysia. With the history and social factors of Malaysia, Moral Uplifting Association become a matchmaker between a different Chinese native province, professions, social status, educational background to gather their believers. It tried to attach not only the local Chinese society group but also obtained approving from the other ethnic community in that nation. Its believers take part in this belief group to share the same vision of future and the pursuit of harmony.

本研究的出發點，在於試圖藉由對近三十年來台灣社會在現代性的框架下，所想像和理解的「社區總體營造」的反省，重新尋找另一種出自在地生活脈絡，不同的社群參與方式，以及另一種社群參與的可能。本文以為在各式各樣不同社群的互動模式下，不同的行動者在其日常生活中有著不同參與、實踐公共與社群的方式；也導致對公共參與有著不同的理解。 因此，本文以圍繞在桃園大溪當地主要廟宇—普濟堂，為了每年關公誕辰繞境的在地社群為例。試圖說明這樣一種在當地稱為「社頭」的民間宗教群體，乃是另一種有別於現代社區概念的「社群」。從田野調查中看到這些社群的構成、會員的招募、經費的來源，其實具體而微地反映大溪當地綿密且複雜的人際網絡。這些社群與在地社會的各樣網絡緊密相連，並承擔著維繫與整合社會關係的功能。 從對這些社頭參與者的訪談中可以看見，他們擁有著某種共同的記憶，這些記憶除了維繫著行動者對於繞境活動和社頭本身的認同外，也在各種現在與過去相對比的記憶中，畫出他們所認定的社群的範圍。對這些參與者而言，繞境記憶的敘事結構之所以能被持續的召喚，並且能持續的「再生產」，與其參與的「儀式」有密不可分的關係。為維持社群的運作，唯有藉由儀式所進行的身體的展演，才能進一步將社群的倫理內化在行動者之中。社群中的倫理除了透過敘事取得共識外，它還必須能夠在日常生活中被「展演」出來。 歸結對這些社群的田野調查，本文發現，這些社群中的行動者因著「記憶」、「儀式」和「倫理」三個要素的交互作用， 形塑了他們之所以參與這些社群的行動邏輯。這些社頭的行動者堅持某種他們從兒時記憶而來的「傳統」，這是一種經由身體儀式的展演而內化在其生命敘事中的社群倫理。進一步來說，這樣的倫理與記憶和儀式一起，成為構成一個社群可見，供人辨識與區別的特質。最終這樣的倫理成為推動這些行動者在參與社頭背後的行動邏輯，也進一步讓他們與在地社會產生認同與連結。 / The starting point of this thesis try to find another kind of community participation from the local context, and the thesis is based on the reflection which understand Community Development in the modernity framework for nearly thirty years in Taiwan. This paper argues that every actors have different ways practicing public lives in the variety community interactions, and they have different interpretations of public participation. Therefore, this study focus on the main temples ‘Po Gi Temple’ in Daxi Dist., and their annual parade for celebrating Guan Gong birthday. The study attempts to illustrate such a group of folk religions is another community which is different from the modern communities. From the field investigation, we can see the composition of the community, the recruitment of the members and resources, and how they reflect the local complex interpersonal network. The various networks are responsible to maintain the local social relations. From the interviews with these participants, we could see that they have the common memory of the ritual. The ritual maintain the identity of all actors and divide the border between themselves and others. For these participants, the narrative structure can be continually summoned and reproduced, owing to the repeatedly ritual. In order to maintain the community development, only through the body performance of the ritual, the ethics could be rooted in the participants. The conclusion of the study is that because of the interaction between memory , rituals and ethics, the actors in the community have shaped their action logic. Furthermore, such memory, together with ethics and rituals, become a visible and distinguishable characteristic of the community. Finally, this memory, ethics and rituals becomes the action logic to drive these actors and gives them recognition and connection with the local community.