Southern rural farming communities and northern Indigenous communities in the Prairie Provinces of Canada each experience the Globalized Agri-Food System (GAFS) as detrimental to their food sovereignty. This study explores the Northern food crisis from an Indigenous perspective. It examines the degree to which rural-settler and Indigenous food sovereignty initiatives can benefit by combining their resistance to the GAFS through North-South collaborative networks, and the pivotal role that youth and youth learning might play in achieving these ends. Insights derived from a youth-focused garden project in the South were complemented by interviews with youth and adults in both locations. The outcomes of this research position the Northern food crisis as a justice issue with connections to culture, environment and food, which in turn reflect a historic and ongoing colonization of Indigenous territories and communities. Successful intercultural alliances towards Alternative Food Systems (AFS) must work towards Indigenous food sovereignty in addressing these issues.

Southern rural farming communities and northern Indigenous communities in the Prairie Provinces of Canada each experience the Globalized Agri-Food System (GAFS) as detrimental to their food sovereignty. This study explores the Northern food crisis from an Indigenous perspective. It examines the degree to which rural-settler and Indigenous food sovereignty initiatives can benefit by combining their resistance to the GAFS through North-South collaborative networks, and the pivotal role that youth and youth learning might play in achieving these ends. Insights derived from a youth-focused garden project in the South were complemented by interviews with youth and adults in both locations. The outcomes of this research position the Northern food crisis as a justice issue with connections to culture, environment and food, which in turn reflect a historic and ongoing colonization of Indigenous territories and communities. Successful intercultural alliances towards Alternative Food Systems (AFS) must work towards Indigenous food sovereignty in addressing these issues.

Using personal narratives, this thesis theorizes the lived experiences of attempting to align one’s consumption choices with the principles of food sovereignty in a place like Victoria, BC. First, to provide a detailed summary of the problem, a thematic analysis is used to identify and describe the tensions that arise throughout this journey. Second, drawing on institutional ethnography (IE), this thesis explores the various ruling relations that coordinate the (mis)understanding of the political potential of food sovereignty. By critically and reflexively analyzing my personal experience of engaging with food sovereignty I will suggest how others who are entering the study of alternative food initiatives can be more effective in their engagement with such movements. Furthermore, I suggest potential ways for those who have a relatively good understanding of alternative food movements to engage more effectively with others who share an interest in these initiatives, but who perhaps lack the accessibility to academic literature and/or the knowledge of how to participate politically in such initiatives. When we are able to see our shared interests and political connections, we are able to build political alliances. This then creates the potential for transformational change in the current industrial food system to one that is socially just and environmentally sustainable. / Graduate / 2018

Food sovereignty is a multi-faceted proposal for the politicization of the agro-food sector. Advocated by the international farmers’ movement, Vía Campesina, food sovereignty recognizes the importance of consumption while it focuses on production. By looking at the implementation of the food sovereignty proposal in Ecuador in the 2008 Constitution and on the legal level, the organizational level, and the level of individual consumers, I suggest approaches to consumers and consumption within the food sovereignty framework. In addition to discussing the ambiguity of the State’s position on food sovereignty, I show that social organizations working on food sovereignty tend to see consumers as self-centered, solely motivated by individual concerns about price and health, meaning that they are not seen as critical actors in the agro-food system. By focusing on members of the Canasta Comunitaria Ciudad Viva, a collective food purchase model in south Quito, I show that while consumers reproduce individualized logics that privilege health and savings, they also mobilize alternative, relational logics that should be the base for consumer-based articulation within the food sovereignty framework. These conclusions support the significance of seeing consumers as political actors as well as the importance of valuing the daily practices of urban inhabitants as the bases for the further politicization of consumption. La soberanía alimentaria es una propuesta multidimensional para la politización del sector agroalimentario. Desde la concepción de Vía Campesina, un movimiento internacional de agricultores, soberanía alimentaria reconoce la importancia del consumo, centrándose en la producción. A partir de analizar la aplicación de la propuesta de soberanía alimentaria en la Constitución de 2008, en el plano jurídico, en el trabajo de organizaciones sociales y al nivel de consumidores individuales en Quito, Ecuador, propongo una aproximación a los roles del consumo y los consumidores, en el marco de soberanía alimentaria. A la vez de indagar en la ambigüedad de la posición estatal frente al tema de soberanía alimentaria, muestro que la tendencia de las organizaciones sociales que trabajan el tema de soberanía alimentaria es ver a los consumidores como actores poco involucrados, centrados en sus beneficios particulares entorno a precios y salud, lo que significa que los consumidores no son percibidos como actores en si mismo. Al enfocarme en los miembros de la Canasta Comunitaria Ciudad Viva, un modelo de compra colectiva de alimentos en el sur de Quito, muestro que mientras los consumidores reproducen lógicas individuales de ahorro y de salud, también movilizan lógicas alternativas basadas en relaciones sociales y afectivas. Propongo que estas lógicas, presentes en los consumidores, deberían formar parte de las bases para una mayor inclusión y articulación de consumidores en el marco de soberanía alimentaria. A partir de este análisis se muestra la importancia de mirar a los consumidores como actores políticos y valorar las prácticas cotidianas de los habitantes urbanos como cimientos para la mayor politización del consumo. / text

The transnational network La Vía Campesina (LVC) coined the term ‘food sovereignty’, which has been appropriated by many actors seeking alternatives to the neoliberal food regime. Traspatio Oaxaqueño (TO) is a small initiative seeking to revitalize backyard agriculture and the role of women in local food systems. While TO leaders do not explicitly claim to be pursuing food sovereignty, the initiative promotes some of its key principles: (1) the empowerment of women from economically vulnerable families, by increasing their access to productive resources; (2) the preservation of the right to healthy and culturally appropriate food; and (3) the use of ecologically, socially and economically sustainable methods. Despite the fact that the initiative does not deeply challenge the neoliberal food regime, it contributes to the collective organizing and politicization of marginalized actors, allowing them to gain greater autonomy and to eventually reclaim control over food systems.

The globalized neoliberal agricultural regime operates within a neocolonial context and was therefore built upon the ideologies, law, and legacy of the colonial-era. Both capitalism and colonialism, in theory, and in practice, share characteristics that are inherently contrary to the realization of human rights. Given that the human rights framework operates within a globalized capitalist economy, there are systemic barriers to the universal realization of human rights. This thesis holds that the concept of food sovereignty not only highlights this reality but presents a nuanced emancipatory path forward towards a post-capitalist world where universal human rights realization is not only possible but inherent to the functioning of food sovereignty itself. Food sovereignty presents as a praxis for Marxist agrarian theory in establishing an approach to closing the metabolic rift. The existence of the Food Sovereignty Movement also confirms the existence of the metabolic rift as the theoretical disconnect between capitalism and human rights which underpins the current agricultural system. As a concept, it accounts for the systemic obstacles to the universal realization of the right to adequate food while also providing an alternative food system centred on the decisions of small-scale food producers. Contrary to capitalist and colonialist approaches to food production, food sovereignty is concerned with universal access to culturally appropriate nutritious foods produced through ecological means. Through a combination of normative and descriptive claims, this thesis examines the official recognition and realization of the right to food sovereignty as a proxy of Marxist ideology. Food sovereignty empowers the rights-holder to ensure the continued realization of their right to adequate food in underscoring the fact that rights realization is not static in nature but, an ongoing endeavour. As such, the process called for to implement an alternative food system is one of decolonization. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA) / Despite the existence of enough food for the sustenance of the global populace, there are obstacles prohibiting economic and physical access to food. These obstacles are created and maintained by the institutions and social structures that put forth policies encouraging economic and social inequality. The role which small-scale food producers play in global society is integral to the realization of the human right to adequate food. However, the current agricultural system de-values their work. Conceptually, food sovereignty highlights the oppressive nature of the agricultural system and puts forth a response that focuses on small-scale food producers assuming control over the food system. Commodification and exploitation are inherent characteristics of both the capitalist and colonial systems. Food sovereignty aims at dismantling oppressive systems through anti-capitalist and anti-colonial efforts sanctioned by the mobilization and collaboration of oppressed peoples within the context of food production.

Movements for food sovereignty are socio-political efforts to build collective power and agency. This study builds on the work of Monica White and utilizes a Collective Agency Theory (CAT) lens in exploring the role of Black farmer organizers and their cross-sectoral relationships as they re-imagine the food system as pathways for liberation, self-determination, and food sovereignty. An interpretive phenomenology was used to critically explore and understand the experiences of 41 Black farmer organizers who are actively organizing in both urban and rural spaces toward food sovereignty in Virginia. Twenty-one semi-structured interviews and two focus group interviews with 20 participants were conducted. The data were coded and analyzed, incorporating Creswell's (2009) and Heidegger's (1962) thematic approach. The findings revealed that Black farmer organizers were strategically collaborating with both non-Black and Black farmer organizers, with a focus on building collective power and agency within historically marginalized communities affected by settler colonialism, White supremacy, and plantation-style agriculture. Their organizing efforts were driven by the goal of challenging systemic inequities and cultivating self-sustaining communities rooted in cultural heritage and food sovereignty. By doing so, they aimed to foster a more just, equitable, and sustainable food system that celebrated diversity, empowered communities and embodied the principles of food sovereignty. Embracing food sovereignty played a pivotal role in their efforts, leading to a reimagining of agricultural autonomy. To challenge and disrupt the inequities within the food system, they advocated for land reform, policy changes, and community-led initiatives that promoted self-determination. As a socio-political endeavor, their organizing efforts hold immense potential in fostering positive change and shaping a more inclusive and equitable food system. Empirically, the study contributes to the food systems discourse and highlights Black-led grassroots food systems organizers as central change agents. It also contributes to food systems practice by offering valuable insights for practitioners to inform their own approaches. / Doctor of Philosophy / Movements for food sovereignty are powerful socio-political endeavors aimed at building collective strength and empowerment. This study delves into the role of Black farmer organizers and their partnerships across various sectors as they envision a food system that fosters liberation, self-determination, and food sovereignty. By using a Collective Agency Theory lens, I explored the experiences of 41 Black farmer organizers in urban and rural areas of Virginia who are actively working towards food sovereignty. Through a combination of 21 semi-structured interviews and two focus group sessions involving 20 participants, we gained valuable insights into their efforts. These Black farmer organizers collaborate with both Black and Non-Black organizers, with a particular focus on historically marginalized communities impacted by settler colonialism, White supremacy, and plantation-style agriculture, especially in the U.S. South. Their goal is to challenge systemic inequities and nurture self-sufficient communities rooted in cultural heritage and food justice. Embracing food sovereignty is at the core of their mission, leading to a reimagining of agricultural autonomy. They advocate for land reform, policy changes, and community-led initiatives, seeking to challenge oppressive systems and promote self-determination. Their impact is vast, fostering a more inclusive and equitable food system. They celebrate diversity, cherish cultural traditions, and empower their communities. Their vision extends beyond just farming; it's about building a better world for all. Through collective action, these Black farmers are igniting a positive transformation in the food system, uniting people from diverse backgrounds to create a sustainable future for everyone. Their work is a step towards a more just and fair food system where everyone can access nutritious food and shape their own destiny. Empirically, the study provides valuable insights into ongoing food systems discussions. It specifically emphasizes the significant role played by Black-led grassroots food systems organizers as agents of change. The findings underscore the importance of recognizing and supporting the agency of Black-led grassroots initiatives in promoting equity, justice, and sustainability within the broader food landscape. It also offers valuable insights that can help practitioners improve their own practices and approaches. By understanding the experiences and efforts of Black-led grassroots food systems organizers, practitioners can learn from their successes and challenges and apply these lessons to create positive changes in the food system.

Ecuador codified participatory democracy and food sovereignty in its 2008 constitution. It also called for the creation of a food sovereignty bill to expand and detail legal protections for these valued practices. In 2009, legislators proposed a bill to the president. It called for indigenous and peasant farmers' increased access to state agricultural resources, such as land and loans, and the ability to direct national government agricultural policy. In essence, legislators wanted to democratize Ecuador's agricultural economic model, one that had long marginalized peasant farmers who grow traditional crops for local markets, and had favored the production of large-scale commodities for export. To accomplish this, they also included within the bill the creation of a power-sharing participatory institution, the National Council for Food Sovereignty, an institution first proposed by the food sovereignty-focused organizations Mesa Agraria and Colectivo Agrario. The institution would comprise a council of representatives from small-scale producer and indigenous organizations as well as state actors who would jointly create national agricultural policy and ensure its implementation. Legislators wanted the council to increase peasant farmer authority in agricultural policy, to establish policy that would enable more egalitarian agricultural production and consumption systems, and to oversee the state's completion of such policy. Legislators and civic groups anticipated that President Rafael Correa, who in his 2006 campaign promoted citizen participation and equitable distribution of agricultural resources, would support such a participatory council. He did not. Instead, Correa partially vetoed the bill. He restructured the institution into a temporary committee and later a permanent state agency, Plurinational and Multicultural National Conference for Food Sovereignty (COPISA), which was mandated to create supplemental food sovereignty bills with citizen participation. COPISA completed the task in 2012, but their bills have yet to become laws. COPISA claims to be a leader in creating food sovereignty policy with citizen participants and to enable their implementation; however, findings show differently. COPISA is a relatively weak state agency. The agency has yet to redistribute power or resources regarding food sovereignty or oversight of existing food sovereignty legislation. Instead, the Correa administration (2007-present) has monopolized agricultural policy decisions and exponentially increased government investment in commodity crops, to the exclusion and detriment of peasant farmers. Indeed, the Correa administration seems to monopolize several supposedly state-sponsored "participatory" platforms, to the detriment of Ecuador's democracy. This text investigates why and how COPISA was restructured into a weak state agency, the perils of COPISA's claim of being a participatory organization, and the ways that its status as a weak state agency impacts and reflects Ecuador's participatory politics, democracy, and agricultural economies.

This thesis examines the enduring problem of food insecurity in Africa, with a particular focus on Ethiopia and Kenya. It considers food insecurity both in acute terms - the occurrence of famine and chronic terms - famine vulnerability. More specifically it provides a new interpre~tion of the causes of food insecurity in East Africa, with respect to some of the causal factors and viable solutions. It does so by locating the occurrence of famine, and countries vulnerability to it, in the context of the global food system. The global food system is, as yet, an under-examined factor in contemporary famine analysis, particularly in East Africa and this thesis aims to explore it more comprehensively than hitherto. This thesis also makes a substantive contribution to understanding the concept of Food Sovereignty in an African context. Food Sovereignty deserves to be a more significant part of contemporary narratives that at present dominate the political and social dilemmas about food insecurity. However there are serious obstacles such as political relationships, land tenure and the industrial system of agriculture that hinder the development of Food Sovereignty as a viable option. Natural disasters, demographic pressures and ill conceived economic policies are an ongoing part of the story but in essence food insecurity is ultimately political. This thesis concludes that Food Sovereignty should be explored as a political . solution to a political problem.

The intention behind this work was to re-imagine the possibilities for productive landscapes within our city. The purpose of this practicum is to design opportunities for people to become more self-sufficient, self-sustaining and less-dependant on the current food system through productive urban landscapes. This practicum proposes that we design a strong network of city wide productive landscapes in order to provide people with the space to grow, trade, buy or sell good quality food at a fair and just price. Through a set of strategies derived from research, observation and experience, we can design a new way of looking at landscapes within our city in order to create a connected, resilient, fair and sustainable food system within Winnipeg.