This thesis discusses the English constitution and foreign affairs in 1621 including the transition from Tudor to Stuart monarchy following the death of Elizabeth I and the accession of James VI of Scotland.

The problem of this study was the lack of knowledge about user satisfaction with the library services which are provided at the library of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) in Saudi Arabia. The purposes of the study were twofold: (1) to measure, evaluate, and analyze user satisfaction with the library services provided at the MFA Library for the employees; and (2) to develop a model for evaluation of user satisfaction of library services in government libraries in Saudi Arabia.

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This dissertation examines the early U.S.-D.R.V. relationship by analyzing related myths and exploring Viet Minh policies. I go beyond the previous literature to examine the Viet Minh government's modernization and anti-imperialist projects, both of which proved critical to D.R.V. policy evolution and the evolution of a new national identity. During the French era, as Vietnamese thinkers rethought the meaning of "being Vietnamese," groups like the Viet Minh determined that modernization was the essential to Vietnam's independence and that imperialist states like the U.S. posed a serious threat to their revolution and their independence. I argue that D.R.V. officials dismissed all possibility of a real alliance with the U.S. long before 1950. Soviet and Chinese mentors later provided development aid to Hanoi, while the D.R.V. maintained its autonomy and avoided becoming a client state by seeking alliances with other decolonizing countries. In doing so, Vietnamese leaders gained their own chances to mentor others and improve their status on the world stage. After Geneva, Hanoi continued to advance modernization in the North using a variety of methods, but its officials also heightened their complaints against the U.S. In particular, the D.R.V. denounced America's invasion of South Vietnam and its "puppet" government in Saigon as evidence of an imperialist plot. In advocating an anti-imperialist line and modernized future, D.R.V. leaders elaborated a new national identity, tying modernization and anti-imperialism inextricably to "being Vietnamese." Yet modernization presented serious challenges and Hanoi's faith in anti-imperialism had its drawbacks, limiting their ability to critique and evaluate the U.S. threat fully. / History

This study illuminates Dwight D. Eisenhower’s efforts during his first term as President to advance new global norms that would make peace a more enduring aspect of international relations. Between 1945 and 1952, Eisenhower was an engaged supporter of America’s efforts to move the world away from the “war-system” that characterized the early twentieth century. The venture included implementing the Bretton Woods economic agreements, creating the United Nations, adopting the UN Human Rights Convention and supporting collective security organizations, such as NATO. Combined, these efforts mitigated the primary causes of war and advanced new standards of global statecraft. They also competed for influence over US foreign policy and for global support. Eisenhower’s election in 1952 represented a mandate to prevent an early failure of the undertaking. Within months of taking office, Ike implemented a comprehensive grand strategy that included the imaginative use of military and economic power, as well as the addition of moral power to guide US foreign policy. By 1956, this grand strategy had advanced America’s leadership in global affairs through the advocacy of new norms of conduct that produced mutually beneficial norms and standards. However, the Suez Crisis threatened to derail the American project. Eisenhower understood the stakes and decided to oppose the British and French efforts to secure the Suez Canal Zone by force. Throughout the crisis, America upheld the new standards of nation-state conduct agreed to in the United Nations Charter. This decision consolidated the position of the free world and served the nation’s enduring interest of advancing a peaceful world order. / History

This diploma thesis examines the Czechoslovak-British relations between 1945 and 1948 primarily by analysing documents found in the Archive of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic. The thesis focuses on the politico-diplomatic relations and describes their evolution with regards to events of major importance to both involved countries; such as parliamentary elections, the question of German population transfer, or the attitude of Czechoslovakia and the United Kingdom towards the Marshall Plan. The thesis is divided into six chapters and spans the conception of the Czechoslovak foreign policy, based on cooperation with the East, as well as the West; the evolution of the bilateral relations, which were influenced by, inter alia, parliamentary elections in both countries; and the mutual foreign visits. The post-war period is being examined until February 1948 when the change in political regime resulted in deterioration of the bilateral relations between the two countries.

Practitioners and academics clearly established that participation in the EU system of foreign policy-making transforms national foreign policies. Whilst there have been detailed studies of the impact of participation in EU foreign policy on the original fifteen member states there are, as yet, few academic studies that have thoroughly investigated the impact of progressive integration in the area of EU foreign and security policy on the new (i.e. those who joined since 2004) member states. This thesis aims to address this deficit by focusing on the impact of Poland's participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). It examines the processes of 'downloading', as it is argued here that involvement in CFSP has had a direct effect on both the procedures of foreign policy-making in the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and, on the substance of Polish foreign policy as well as the impact of 'uploading' from member states to the EU level and 'crossloading' between EU member states. The thesis addresses the relevant conceptual issues and provides an outline of the academic debate regarding Europeanisation and foreign policy. It identifies three mechanisms that are responsible for change: conditionality, socialisation and learning. It suggests that a member state first adapts its national foreign policy to bring it in line with the EU's acquis politique and introduces basic changes in its institutional procedures in order to effectively participate in the EU's CFSP. Only later, does socialisation and learning result in changes to how national foreign policy is made, which then facilitates both changes to the substance of national policy and the uploading of national preferences to the EU level. A two-phase model of change is introduced which identifies April 2003, when Poland first became an active observer within the EU, as the date when Europeanisation began. The thesis provides a brief explanation of the transformation of Polish foreign policy after 1989, in order to provide contextual background for the four substantive chapters which follow: one procedural on the changes in the Polish MFA and three related to policy substance. The latter three chapters examine the Europeanisation of policy towards Poland's East European neighbours in general and policies towards Ukraine and Belarus in particular. The thesis concludes with a set of methodological and conceptual observations followed by analysis of the empirical findings.

Cette thèse n’est pas une histoire de la politique extérieure de Napoléon III, mais du Ministère des Affaires étrangères et de l’action diplomatique. La première partie montre que la continuité des structures, du personnel, des modes de vie révèle l’attachement à un modèle classique. La deuxième partie montre que le rôle du Quai d’Orsay a été plus important qu’on ne l’a cru. Impliqués dans la politique qui conduit au Congrès de Paris (1856), les diplomates font preuve d’initiative. La politique italienne puis la question allemande suscitent un profond clivage au Quai d’Orsay, sans altérer les certitudes quant à la puissance de la France. La troisième partie décrit une diplomatie ouverte à la modernité : le Quai d’Orsay est actif dans l’extension de l’influence française dans le monde et dans l’essor de la diplomatie économique. Mais il souffre des dysfonctionnements politiques des dernières années du règne, tandis que Bismarck remet en cause les fondements de la diplomatie classique. / This doctoral thesis is not a history of Napoleon III’s foreign policy. It concerns the history of the French Foreign Office, including its diplomatic action. The first part shows how continuity in structure, staff and way of life reflect the predominance of the classical model. In the second section, the role undertaken by the Quai d’Orsay is analysed : it was more important than has usually been alleged. The Diplomats implicated in Policy that lead to the Congrès de Paris (1856) demonstrate initiative, drive and vision. The Italian file and then German affairs deeply divide the diplomatic staff, but does not undermine their unfaltering opinion concerning the importance of French power. The third part describes how this classical diplomacy is opened to modernity, through the endeavour to develop French influence around the world and the expansion of economic diplomacy. However in the last years of Napoleon III’s reign, the Quai d’Orsay is suffering from political problems – whereas Bismarck is calling into question the principles of classical diplomacy.

The purpose of this study is to determine, if possible, North Central Texas views or attitudes toward international relations. These attitudes will be compared to studies on Southern attitudes to determine any similarities or dissimilarities. Literature on Southwestern attitudes is sparse; therefore, all data will be compared with that compiled by political scientists on Southern attitudes.