This research aims to examine the securitization of migration in the Council of the European union by answering the question “Why did a securitization of migration wave in 2015 occur in the political debate within the Council of the European union?”. The research focuses on the Justice and Home Affairs Council (JHA) and the Foreign Affairs Council (FAC). This is done by a discourse analysis of relevant Council documents, whereas the securitization theory is used as an explanatory tool. The results of the study show that a securitization of migration occurred due to the discourse 1) connecting migration to terrorism, 2) producing the image of a crisis taking place, 3) mobilizing institutions to act upon these notions, and 4) overlooking migrants’ security through power relation mechanisms detected in the discourse.

O futebol é um esporte que possui diversas dimensões e que pode ter várias utilidades, usos e implicações tanto na vida dos seres humanos quanto nas relações entre os Estados. Ele pode servir à objetivos políticos de um Estado, pode agir como um veículo de propagação de ideias e valores, pode servir como uma ferramenta de propaganda e prestígio internacionais, pode constituir um instrumento para ganhos econômicos, entre muitas outras utilizações possíveis. No caso do Brasil, o futebol também constitui um elemento importante da identidade nacional e também, por vezes, influi na percepção que os brasileiros têm de seus vizinhos argentinos. A imagem que o Brasil tem da Argentina é de um país soberbo, arrogante e não confiável, todos estereótipos que são constantemente veiculados pelas mídias brasileiras desde muitas décadas atrás. Partindo dessas premissas, a presente dissertação tem como objetivo analisar as percepções sobre a Argentina veiculadas na mídia esportiva brasileira, buscando correlacioná-las com as relações exteriores entre Brasil e Argentina. Dessa forma, se buscará averiguar se as mudanças no relacionamento bilateral entre estes, acompanha uma mudança também nas caracterizações e percepções da seleção argentina e de seu país. Para tanto, foram escolhidos quatro períodos que representam momentos-chave da relação bilateral entre esses dois países: as Copas Mundiais de Futebol de 1978, 1982, 1986 e 2002. Cada um desses períodos escolhidos possui um contexto diferente, de maior amizade ou rivalidade entre esses países vizinhos, propiciando uma análise da relação entre as percepções veiculadas na mídia esportiva e a relações exteriores entre Brasil e Argentina em diferentes contextos temporais e políticos. / Soccer is a sport that holds many dimensions and can have many uses, utilities and implications in the life of human beings as well as on the relationships between states. It can serve to governments political objectives, it can act as a vehicle for the spread of ideas and values, it can serve as a tool of international propaganda and prestige, it can be a used as a tool for economic gains, among many other possible uses. In Brazil, soccer is also an important element of the national identity and, sometimes, it can influence the perceptions Brazilians have of their Argentine neighbors. That image of Argentina in Brazil is of a cocky, arrogant and untrustworthy country, all stereotypes that have been frequently disseminated by the Brazilian media since decades ago. Based on these assumptions, this dissertation aims to analyze the perceptions of Argentina in the Brazilian sports media, trying to correlate them with the foreign relations between Brazil and Argentina. Thus, we will seek to determine whether changes in the bilateral relationship between these two countries also come with a change of perceptions and characterizations of the Argentinean soccer team and its country. To this end, we chose four periods that represent key moments in the bilateral relationship between these two countries: the Soccer World Cups of 1978, 1982, 1986 and 2002. Each of these periods represents a different context of greater friendship or rivalry between the two neighbors. This way we aspire to provide an analysis of the relationship among perceptions conveyed in the Brazilian sports media and the Brazil-Argentina foreign affairs in different temporal and political contexts.

O futebol é um esporte que possui diversas dimensões e que pode ter várias utilidades, usos e implicações tanto na vida dos seres humanos quanto nas relações entre os Estados. Ele pode servir à objetivos políticos de um Estado, pode agir como um veículo de propagação de ideias e valores, pode servir como uma ferramenta de propaganda e prestígio internacionais, pode constituir um instrumento para ganhos econômicos, entre muitas outras utilizações possíveis. No caso do Brasil, o futebol também constitui um elemento importante da identidade nacional e também, por vezes, influi na percepção que os brasileiros têm de seus vizinhos argentinos. A imagem que o Brasil tem da Argentina é de um país soberbo, arrogante e não confiável, todos estereótipos que são constantemente veiculados pelas mídias brasileiras desde muitas décadas atrás. Partindo dessas premissas, a presente dissertação tem como objetivo analisar as percepções sobre a Argentina veiculadas na mídia esportiva brasileira, buscando correlacioná-las com as relações exteriores entre Brasil e Argentina. Dessa forma, se buscará averiguar se as mudanças no relacionamento bilateral entre estes, acompanha uma mudança também nas caracterizações e percepções da seleção argentina e de seu país. Para tanto, foram escolhidos quatro períodos que representam momentos-chave da relação bilateral entre esses dois países: as Copas Mundiais de Futebol de 1978, 1982, 1986 e 2002. Cada um desses períodos escolhidos possui um contexto diferente, de maior amizade ou rivalidade entre esses países vizinhos, propiciando uma análise da relação entre as percepções veiculadas na mídia esportiva e a relações exteriores entre Brasil e Argentina em diferentes contextos temporais e políticos. / Soccer is a sport that holds many dimensions and can have many uses, utilities and implications in the life of human beings as well as on the relationships between states. It can serve to governments political objectives, it can act as a vehicle for the spread of ideas and values, it can serve as a tool of international propaganda and prestige, it can be a used as a tool for economic gains, among many other possible uses. In Brazil, soccer is also an important element of the national identity and, sometimes, it can influence the perceptions Brazilians have of their Argentine neighbors. That image of Argentina in Brazil is of a cocky, arrogant and untrustworthy country, all stereotypes that have been frequently disseminated by the Brazilian media since decades ago. Based on these assumptions, this dissertation aims to analyze the perceptions of Argentina in the Brazilian sports media, trying to correlate them with the foreign relations between Brazil and Argentina. Thus, we will seek to determine whether changes in the bilateral relationship between these two countries also come with a change of perceptions and characterizations of the Argentinean soccer team and its country. To this end, we chose four periods that represent key moments in the bilateral relationship between these two countries: the Soccer World Cups of 1978, 1982, 1986 and 2002. Each of these periods represents a different context of greater friendship or rivalry between the two neighbors. This way we aspire to provide an analysis of the relationship among perceptions conveyed in the Brazilian sports media and the Brazil-Argentina foreign affairs in different temporal and political contexts.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T06:16:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira_DemetriusCesario_M.pdf: 764027 bytes, checksum: b9a8c5e7343e7ce9113c81502fe47e94 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Esta dissertação pretende analisar a influência do sistema internacional após a Guerra Fria no regionalismo europeu por meio do estudo da Política Externa e de Segurança Comum (PESC) da União Européia (UE). No trabalho, procurou-se apresentar as teorias sistêmicas de integração regional, concentrando-se na perspectiva neo-realista para a análise da PESC. A partir daí, contextualiza-se o cenário mundial e regional, para então inserir o estudo da PESC na análise. Estudou-se também as discussões que levaram à criação da PESC pelo Tratado de Maastricht, com a análise das posições dos três principais países envolvidos na negociação, Alemanha, França e Reino Unido, para depois examinar suas características e evoluções. Assim, o trabalho relaciona os avanços e retrocessos da PESC com as previsões feitas pelos teóricos realistas, avaliando a validade de seus argumentos e tecendo cenários futuros com o auxílio da teoria, especialmente em relação à independência de uma política externa européia em relação aos EUA e à OTAN / Abstract: This paper is an analysis of the post-Cold War international system in the European regionalism through the study of the Common Foreign and Security Polity (CFSP) of the European Union (UE). The regional integration systemic theories are presented, concentrating in the neorealist perspective to the analysis of CFSP. From this starting point, the global and regional scenarios are contextualized, and then the study of the CFSP is inserted. It was also studied the discussions that led to the creation of CFSP by the Maastricht Treaty, along with the analysis of the positions of the three main countries involved in the negotiation, Germany, France and United Kingdom, to then examine its characteristics and evolutions. The paper correlates advances and backlashes of the CFSP with the previsions made by the realist scholars, evaluating the validity of their arguments and building future scenarios with the aid of theory, especially in relation to the independence of a European foreign policy in relation to the US and NATO / Mestrado / Mestre em Relações Internacionais

In the Master thesis I deal with the topic of the professional and personal life of diplomats working at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic/Czech and Slovak Federative Republic and Czech Republic in the 1980's and 1990's. In the background of historical context it is focused on performing of diplomats foreign duties, working issues, achievements and challenges, everyday routine will not be omitted. Specifically it will reflect themes of preparing to leave abroad, to socialize in given country, everyday duties, family life and a free time. Primary source of the Master thesis will contain of the interviews led by method of oral history.

no / Diplomatic representation, both as a concept and in terms of its structures and processes, does not receive the attention that it deserves. Th is is surprising given that it forms a central concern for both analysts and practitioners of diplomacy, with the latter confronting multiple challenges in adapting modes of representation to changes in their international and domestic political environments. One facet of this can be identifi ed in responses to factors that have assumed a signifi cant place in the development of diplomacy — namely distance and proximity. To the growth of proximity in both spatial and issue-oriented terms, the challenge of the ‘special relationship’ is added in specifi c contexts. Both factors come together in the case of Canada’s attempts to manage its policies towards the United States. Here, strategies have moved through distinct phases responding to domestic and international changes. Th e latest phase, which is associated with substantial rethinking of the role and structure of Foreign Aff airs Canada, assumes the form of what has been labelled the Enhanced Representation Initiative (ERI). Th e ERI is interesting not only in the Canadian-US context, but because it reveals more general problems for governments seeking to manage the pressures of proximity and a growing number of relationships that assume aspects of ‘specialness.

The present thesis evaluates the responses of the contemporary Greek foreign policy structures and processes, conceptualised as the Greek foreign policy system, in the face of the transformation of world politics. This transformation, precipitated by the concurrent complex processes of globalisation and regionalisation, pose empirical and analytical challenges to the national management of foreign policy. Consequently, government departments and agencies assigned with responsibility for the conduct of what has been traditionally termed foreign policy, namely the national foreign policy machinery with the foreign ministry and the diplomatic network at its core, find themselves challenged as roles and responsibilities are relocated. Such change underpins the machinery s institutional responses and the need to rethink its role and structure. The thesis synthesises several literatures, primarily those identified with international relations, transformational foreign policy analysis, and new approaches to diplomatic studies informed by insights from institutionalist approaches. This is combined with extensive fieldwork within the Greek bureaucracy and the diplomatic network, and seeks to cast light on a relatively understudied area: namely the organisation and nature of the Greek foreign policy system in an era of considerable change. The thesis draws a dual image of the contemporary Greek foreign policy system which displays elements of both continuity and change. According to the first image, the Greek foreign policy machinery embraces contemporary foreign policy developments, and is enmeshed in a process of change and adaptation as a response to its changing operational environment. The second image depicts the foreign policy system as traditionalist conforming to geopolitical approaches, which are linked to compartmentalisation in the organisation of foreign policy. This image is supported by evidence which suggests that the Greek foreign policy machinery is infused with elements of hierarchy, centralisation and verticality in its organisation, which prevent the adoption of integrated and horizontal models prescribed by globalist approaches to the management of foreign policy.

Réalisé en cotutelle avec L'Université Bordeaux-Montaigne / Cette thèse porte sur le sionisme chrétien américain, plus précisément sur le pasteur John Hagee, et sur les membres de son organisation (Christians United For Israel - CUFI) et de son assemblée Cornerstone Church. Ce mouvement regroupe des évangéliques fondamentalistes qui obéissent littéralement au verset 3 du livre de la Genèse, chapitre 12, selon lequel il est nécessaire de bénir Israël pour être béni en retour. Ils croient que le retour des juifs en Terre sainte, la création de l’État d’Israël (1948) ou encore la prise de Jérusalem (1967) sont les signes annonciateurs du retour du Christ confirmant les prophéties vétéro et néotestamentaires. Le CUFI a un message pour sa nation, mais également pour l’humanité. Leur « bonne nouvelle » doit être communiquée pour défendre l’État d’Israël et les juifs. C’est ainsi que le mouvement chrétien sioniste qui a des origines anciennes, vise à atteindre son objectif ultime d’influence nationale en utilisant constamment des techniques et des stratégies évolutives et adaptatives. La question porte sur les rapports entre religion et politique. La recherche s’intéresse au passage de la sphère religieuse à la sphère de l’engagement politique sioniste chez Hagee et son groupe, et aux facteurs à l’origine de ce passage. Nous verrons comment ils deviennent des acteurs religieux dans l’arène politique et comment ils sont influencés par un héritage religio-politique et prophético-millénariste. C’est l’individu, en tant qu’« évangélique pro- Israël », son expérience propre, et les rapports qu’il tisse entre religion et politique qui nous ont intéressés. De plus, les objectifs spécifiques de cette recherche consistent à étudier la littérature évangélique pro-Israël, à réaliser une étude de terrain de ce cas accompagnée d’observations et d’entretiens. Enfin, cette thèse s’inscrit dans une perspective interdisciplinaire au carrefour des Sciences des religions et des Études nord-américaines. / This doctoral thesis deals with Christian Zionism, and more precisely with pastor John Hagee, the members of his organization (Christians United For Israel - CUFI) and his assembly, Cornerstone Church. This movement gathers fundamentalist Evangelicals who literally obey Genesis 12: 3, which says it is necessary to bless Israel to be blessed in return. They believe that the return of the Jews to the Holy Land, the creation of the State of Israel (1948) and the conquest of Jerusalem (1967) are forewarning signs of the Second coming of Jesus Christ confirming the prophecies from the New Testament and the Old Testament. CUFI has one message for the nation of America, and also for humanity. Their message must be communicated in defense of the State of Israel and the Jews. This explains how the Christian Zionist movement, which is not a recent one, aims for reaching its ultimate objective of national influence by constantly changing its techniques along with employing progressive strategies. The question deals with the relationship between religion and politics. The research follows the progression of Hagee and his groups from the religious sphere to political engagement, and the factors that are the origins of this passage. We will see how these Christians, who are influenced by a background that is political, millenarist and prophetic, become religious actors in the political arena. Moreover, we concentrated on pro-Israel Evangelical literature, in addition to making a field study along with observations and interviews. During the field trips, the individual, as a pro-Israel Evangelical, his own experience, and his relation to religion and Israel was our focus. Finally, this thesis provides an interdisciplinary perspective between religious studies and American studies.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

This thesis analyzes the development of Czechoslovak-Cuban relations in the eighties of the 20th century. In the first part the author is shortly showing development of mutual relations after the Cuban revolution in 1959 and the role of Czechoslovakia in the process of consolidation of the regime of Fidel Castro. Later the author is concentrating on the core of the paper, which is divided into four chapters. These chapters are analyzing in detail particular areas of mutual relations - political, economic, scientific and technical cooperation and cultural. In the political area author is investigating the changes in international relations in connection with advent of Ronald W. Reagan and Mikhail S. Gorbachev and its influences on the relations between Czechoslovakia and Cuba. In the eighties the core of relations had been shifted into the economic sphere and trade, loans and investment units which were often discussed and also were sources of disputes. Scientific and technical cooperation and culture were traditional forms of mutual relations and also during the eighties the cooperation was intense. In the end the author states that the relations in the reporting period are best described by the word "stability" because in the comparison with the years after the Cuban revolution lost it is own dynamic.