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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
71

Os soldados de terno? : ruptura, crise e reestruturação da diplomacia brasileira (1964-1969) /

Carmo, Gessica Fernanda do January 2018 (has links)
Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Resumo: Este trabalho aborda o papel do Ministério das Relações Exteriores (MRE-Itamaraty) após o golpe de Estado de março de 1964, especificamente durante as gestões Castelo Branco (1964- 1967) e Costa e Silva (1967-1969). Sustentamos que o órgão não é uma burocracia insulada, mas sim um órgão que pode, como qualquer outra instituição, assimilar interesses políticos e ideológicos dos governantes do momento e atuar em função destes. Argumentamos que isso vale também para seu comportamento nos anos de institucionalização do regime ditatorial no Brasil. Procuramos compreender como o Ministério se comportou analisando três processos principais: o expurgo realizado no órgão, a formulação da política externa do novo regime e o esforço de legitimação internacional do mesmo por meio da diplomacia. Para avaliar nossa hipótese, utilizamos a literatura especializada, os principais documentos oficiais do período e duas bases de dados exclusivas: a primeira, dos diplomatas brasileiros (1889 a 2010) e, a segunda, de eventos de política exterior (1930 a 1985). Com isso, a dissertação nos ajudará a compreender como o Itamaraty reagiu frente a mudanças do regime governamental e as consequências disso para a própria organização diplomática. / Abstract: This dissertation examines the role of the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MREItamaraty) after the March 1964 coup d’État, specifically during the administrations of Castelo Branco (1964-1967) and Costa e Silva (1967-1969). We argue that the Ministry is not an insulated bureaucracy, but rather an organ that can, as any other government agency, assimilate the political and ideological interests of the ruling groups and act based on them. We argue that this holds true for its behavior during the institutionalization of the dictatorial regime in Brazil. We tried to understand how the MRE behaved through the analysis of three main processes: the purge carried out in the institution, the foreign policy formulation of the new regime, and its effort to gain international legitimacy through diplomacy. In order to evaluate our hypothesis, we used the specialized literature on the subject, the main official documents of the period, and two exclusive databases: the first, a database on Brazilian diplomats (from 1889 to 2010); the second, a database on foreign policy events (from 1930 to 1985). By doing so, this dissertation will help us understand how Itamaraty responded to regime changes and the consequences for the diplomatic organization itself. / Resumen: Este trabajo aborda el papel del Ministerio de las Relaciones Exteriores (MRE-Itamaraty) con posterioridad al golpe de Estado de marzo de 1964, específicamente durante las gestiones Castelo Branco (1964-1967) y Costa e Silva (1967-1969). Sustentamos que el órgano no es una burocracia aislada, mas que puede, como cualquier otra institución, asimilar intereses políticos e ideológicos de los gobernantes del momento y actuar en función de este. Argumentamos que eso vale también para su comportamiento en los años de institucionalización del régimen dictatorial en Brasil. Procuramos comprender como el Ministerio se comportó analizando tres procesos principales: la expurgación realizada en el órgano, la formulación de la política externa del nuevo régimen y el esfuerzo de legitimación internacional do mismo por medio de la diplomacia. Para evaluar nuestra hipótesis, utilizamos la literatura especializada, los principales documentos oficiales del período y dos bases de datos exclusivas: la primera, de los diplomáticos brasileros (1889 a 2010) y, la segunda, de eventos de política exterior (1930 a 1985). Con eso, la disertación nos ayudará a comprender como Itamaraty reaccionó frente a las mudanzas del régimen gubernamental y las consecuencias de esto para la propia organización diplomática. / Mestre
72

Os soldados de terno?: ruptura, crise e reestruturação da diplomacia brasileira (1964-1969) / Soldiers in suits?: rupture, crisis and restructuring of Brazilian Diplomacy (1964-1969)

Carmo, Gessica Fernanda do [UNESP] 22 March 2018 (has links)
Submitted by GESSICA FERNANDA DO CARMO null (gessicafdcarmo@gmail.com) on 2018-05-20T23:28:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação-Gessica F Carmo_STD2018.pdf: 3418844 bytes, checksum: d795ceec7498b758c03ac86ba346db99 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Janaina Celoto Guerrero de Mendonça (jcguerrero@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-05-21T18:54:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 carmo_gf_me_mar.pdf: 3418844 bytes, checksum: d795ceec7498b758c03ac86ba346db99 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-21T18:54:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 carmo_gf_me_mar.pdf: 3418844 bytes, checksum: d795ceec7498b758c03ac86ba346db99 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Este trabalho aborda o papel do Ministério das Relações Exteriores (MRE-Itamaraty) após o golpe de Estado de março de 1964, especificamente durante as gestões Castelo Branco (1964- 1967) e Costa e Silva (1967-1969). Sustentamos que o órgão não é uma burocracia insulada, mas sim um órgão que pode, como qualquer outra instituição, assimilar interesses políticos e ideológicos dos governantes do momento e atuar em função destes. Argumentamos que isso vale também para seu comportamento nos anos de institucionalização do regime ditatorial no Brasil. Procuramos compreender como o Ministério se comportou analisando três processos principais: o expurgo realizado no órgão, a formulação da política externa do novo regime e o esforço de legitimação internacional do mesmo por meio da diplomacia. Para avaliar nossa hipótese, utilizamos a literatura especializada, os principais documentos oficiais do período e duas bases de dados exclusivas: a primeira, dos diplomatas brasileiros (1889 a 2010) e, a segunda, de eventos de política exterior (1930 a 1985). Com isso, a dissertação nos ajudará a compreender como o Itamaraty reagiu frente a mudanças do regime governamental e as consequências disso para a própria organização diplomática. / This dissertation examines the role of the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MREItamaraty) after the March 1964 coup d’État, specifically during the administrations of Castelo Branco (1964-1967) and Costa e Silva (1967-1969). We argue that the Ministry is not an insulated bureaucracy, but rather an organ that can, as any other government agency, assimilate the political and ideological interests of the ruling groups and act based on them. We argue that this holds true for its behavior during the institutionalization of the dictatorial regime in Brazil. We tried to understand how the MRE behaved through the analysis of three main processes: the purge carried out in the institution, the foreign policy formulation of the new regime, and its effort to gain international legitimacy through diplomacy. In order to evaluate our hypothesis, we used the specialized literature on the subject, the main official documents of the period, and two exclusive databases: the first, a database on Brazilian diplomats (from 1889 to 2010); the second, a database on foreign policy events (from 1930 to 1985). By doing so, this dissertation will help us understand how Itamaraty responded to regime changes and the consequences for the diplomatic organization itself. / Este trabajo aborda el papel del Ministerio de las Relaciones Exteriores (MRE-Itamaraty) con posterioridad al golpe de Estado de marzo de 1964, específicamente durante las gestiones Castelo Branco (1964-1967) y Costa e Silva (1967-1969). Sustentamos que el órgano no es una burocracia aislada, mas que puede, como cualquier otra institución, asimilar intereses políticos e ideológicos de los gobernantes del momento y actuar en función de este. Argumentamos que eso vale también para su comportamiento en los años de institucionalización del régimen dictatorial en Brasil. Procuramos comprender como el Ministerio se comportó analizando tres procesos principales: la expurgación realizada en el órgano, la formulación de la política externa del nuevo régimen y el esfuerzo de legitimación internacional do mismo por medio de la diplomacia. Para evaluar nuestra hipótesis, utilizamos la literatura especializada, los principales documentos oficiales del período y dos bases de datos exclusivas: la primera, de los diplomáticos brasileros (1889 a 2010) y, la segunda, de eventos de política exterior (1930 a 1985). Con eso, la disertación nos ayudará a comprender como Itamaraty reaccionó frente a las mudanzas del régimen gubernamental y las consecuencias de esto para la propia organización diplomática. / .
73

Between Bureaucracy and Democracy: Regulating Administrative Discretion in Japan

Lebo, Franklin Barr 19 April 2013 (has links)
No description available.
74

CURRENT CHALLENGES AFFECTING THE EUROPEAN COURT OF JUSTICE

Van Dyke, Kevin Joseph January 2004 (has links)
No description available.
75

Responses to the Abolition of the Swedish Feminist Foreign Policy : Insights from document analysis and interviews with Swedish civil society organisations

Aspington, Caroline, Shekh Mohamed, Idil January 2024 (has links)
This study uncovers the reactions and responses of Swedish civil society organisations to the abolition of the Swedish feminist foreign policy. Sweden, a pioneer in 2014 as the first country to develop and adopt a feminist foreign policy, took a surprising turn in 2022 by becoming the first to abolish it. Through qualitative methods of document analysis and key informant interviews, this study aims to understand how these crucial foreign affairs actors responded to this policy shift. The findings reveal deep-seated disappointment and concern about the negative development of Sweden’s foreign affairs, as the government dismantled Sweden’s gender equality commitments without offering new, measurable strategies. By engaging with feminist international relations theory, the results illuminate potential regression in global gender equality achievements, human rights, and democratic values as the government severs dialogical and financial ties with civil society.
76

Hanuš Jelínek Mezi kulturou a politikou (1914 - 1944) / Hanuš Jelínek Between Culture and Politics (1914 - 1944)

Sováková, Veronika January 2013 (has links)
v anglickém jazyce The present thesis deals with the life and activities of Hanuš Jelínek (1878-1944), one of the most prominent figures of the Czech-French relations of the first half of the 20th century. Based upon studies of archive documents, press and literature, its aim is to explain his activities namely during the period of the First Republic which has not been much reflected in the literature so far. This is mainly due to the fact that the primary source on Hanuš Jelínek - his memoirs called Zahučaly lesy ("Forrest Murmurs") end in 1919. The thesis is divided into three bigger parts. The first one recapitulates Jelínek's youth, formation of his personality and political views and last but not least the birth of his Francophilia. The second, pivotal part, places emphasis on his effort to get himself established in the nascent Czechoslovak diplomatic services. It analyses the eleven year period Jelínek spent at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as well as other activities stemming from his position there. The final part deals with Jelínek's cultural life and influences, however, it only gives a general overview necessary in order to understand Jelínek's personal life and has no ambition to review his extensive literary work. It accentuates, though, his work in Lumír journal that Jelínek...
77

Florão da América: o projeto do Brasil Grande, a política externa e a diplomacia presidencial durante o regime militar (1964-1973) / Jewel of the Americas: the project of Brazil Grande , foreign policy and presidential diplomacy during the military regime (1964-1973).

Ponce, André Luiz Godoy 13 March 2015 (has links)
Em 31 de março de 1964, um golpe civil-militar depôs o presidente João Belchior Marques Goulart (7 de Setembro de 1961 a 1º de abril de 1964), iniciando um ciclo de aproximadamente vinte e um anos de ditadura militar no Brasil (1º de abril de 1964 a 15 de março de 1985), durante o qual o comando do Poder Executivo foi exercido por generais do exército, inspirados pela Doutrina de Segurança Nacional (DSN). Concebida na Escola Superior de Guerra (ESG), essa orientação ostentava forte conotação geopolítica e ancorava-se no binômio segurança e desenvolvimento, que tinha como pressupostos fundamentais a busca pelo acelerado desenvolvimento econômico e a segurança do país contra a ação de supostos agentes subversivos vinculados ao comunismo internacional. Os governos militares também acreditavam na possibilidade de transformar a nação em uma potência capaz de exercer plena liderança na América do Sul e em sua área atlântica, concretizando, assim, uma antiga aspiração nacional: a construção do Brasil Potência. O golpe de 1964, que chegou a ser considerado a principal batalha da Guerra Fria, contou com forte apoio ideológico e material dos Estados Unidos da América, inaugurando uma importante parceria entre os dois países, com o objetivo de barrar qualquer possibilidade de avanço das propostas de esquerda no continente latino-americano. Para os formuladores da ESG, tal comunhão de interesses já estava delineada, pois o Brasil, enquanto país ocidental, cristão e democrático, deveria cerrar fileiras com a maior potência do mundo capitalista no projeto de contenção ao comunismo. Tal associação terá inevitável reflexo na condução da política externa brasileira. O objetivo desta dissertação é investigar e compreender a ação internacional e a política externa do Brasil durante os três primeiros governos do regime militar (1964-1973), especialmente as gestões de Costa e Silva e Emílio Médici, com ênfase na construção do sistema de informação e repressão aos movimentos sociais e políticos de oposição, nas intervenções do país nos assuntos internos das nações vizinhas, em seus vínculos com os Estados Unidos da América e a na centralidade do grupo militar que ocupa a liderança do Poder Executivo na definição e na formulação desses objetivos. / In March 31, 1964, a civil-military coup détat ousted the Brazilian president João Belchior Marques Goulart (his administration began in September 7, 1961 and finished in April 1, 1964), starting a period of about twenty one years of military dictatorship in Brazil (since April 1, 1964 up to March 15, 1985), in which the presidency was occupied by a sequence of generals, inspired by National Security Doctrine. Devised by Superior War School (ESG, an institution comparable to the American National War College) and structured under geopolitical concepts, the National Security Doctrine was based on a binomial expression development and security which enveloped the quest for rapid economic development and a concern for national security against subversive agents from international communism. The military governments also believed in the possibility of transforming the country into a power able to exercise full leadership in South America and its Atlantic area, realizing thus an old national aspiration: the construction of Brasil Potência (Brazil Power). The coup détat in Brazil, an event that is often considered the most important battle within the Cold War, had strong material and ideological support from the United States, and started an important partnership between the two countries in order to block any possibility of success to leftist ideas in Latin-America. To ESGs policy makers, an US-Brazil alliance was given, since Brazil as a Western, Christian and democratic country, should be a partner with the U.S. in the fight against communism. This association is inevitably reflected in the conduct of Brazilian foreign policy. The aim of this dissertation is to investigate and understand Brazils international posture and foreign policy during the first three governments of the military regime (1964-1973) especially the Costa e Silva and Emílio Médici administrations. The dissertation covers the construction of the information system and the repression of social movements and opposition politicians, as well as the Brazilian intervention in the internal affairs of neighboring nations, its ties with the United States and the centrality of the small cadre that led the executive branch in the definition and formulation of these objectives.
78

Florão da América: o projeto do Brasil Grande, a política externa e a diplomacia presidencial durante o regime militar (1964-1973) / Jewel of the Americas: the project of Brazil Grande , foreign policy and presidential diplomacy during the military regime (1964-1973).

André Luiz Godoy Ponce 13 March 2015 (has links)
Em 31 de março de 1964, um golpe civil-militar depôs o presidente João Belchior Marques Goulart (7 de Setembro de 1961 a 1º de abril de 1964), iniciando um ciclo de aproximadamente vinte e um anos de ditadura militar no Brasil (1º de abril de 1964 a 15 de março de 1985), durante o qual o comando do Poder Executivo foi exercido por generais do exército, inspirados pela Doutrina de Segurança Nacional (DSN). Concebida na Escola Superior de Guerra (ESG), essa orientação ostentava forte conotação geopolítica e ancorava-se no binômio segurança e desenvolvimento, que tinha como pressupostos fundamentais a busca pelo acelerado desenvolvimento econômico e a segurança do país contra a ação de supostos agentes subversivos vinculados ao comunismo internacional. Os governos militares também acreditavam na possibilidade de transformar a nação em uma potência capaz de exercer plena liderança na América do Sul e em sua área atlântica, concretizando, assim, uma antiga aspiração nacional: a construção do Brasil Potência. O golpe de 1964, que chegou a ser considerado a principal batalha da Guerra Fria, contou com forte apoio ideológico e material dos Estados Unidos da América, inaugurando uma importante parceria entre os dois países, com o objetivo de barrar qualquer possibilidade de avanço das propostas de esquerda no continente latino-americano. Para os formuladores da ESG, tal comunhão de interesses já estava delineada, pois o Brasil, enquanto país ocidental, cristão e democrático, deveria cerrar fileiras com a maior potência do mundo capitalista no projeto de contenção ao comunismo. Tal associação terá inevitável reflexo na condução da política externa brasileira. O objetivo desta dissertação é investigar e compreender a ação internacional e a política externa do Brasil durante os três primeiros governos do regime militar (1964-1973), especialmente as gestões de Costa e Silva e Emílio Médici, com ênfase na construção do sistema de informação e repressão aos movimentos sociais e políticos de oposição, nas intervenções do país nos assuntos internos das nações vizinhas, em seus vínculos com os Estados Unidos da América e a na centralidade do grupo militar que ocupa a liderança do Poder Executivo na definição e na formulação desses objetivos. / In March 31, 1964, a civil-military coup détat ousted the Brazilian president João Belchior Marques Goulart (his administration began in September 7, 1961 and finished in April 1, 1964), starting a period of about twenty one years of military dictatorship in Brazil (since April 1, 1964 up to March 15, 1985), in which the presidency was occupied by a sequence of generals, inspired by National Security Doctrine. Devised by Superior War School (ESG, an institution comparable to the American National War College) and structured under geopolitical concepts, the National Security Doctrine was based on a binomial expression development and security which enveloped the quest for rapid economic development and a concern for national security against subversive agents from international communism. The military governments also believed in the possibility of transforming the country into a power able to exercise full leadership in South America and its Atlantic area, realizing thus an old national aspiration: the construction of Brasil Potência (Brazil Power). The coup détat in Brazil, an event that is often considered the most important battle within the Cold War, had strong material and ideological support from the United States, and started an important partnership between the two countries in order to block any possibility of success to leftist ideas in Latin-America. To ESGs policy makers, an US-Brazil alliance was given, since Brazil as a Western, Christian and democratic country, should be a partner with the U.S. in the fight against communism. This association is inevitably reflected in the conduct of Brazilian foreign policy. The aim of this dissertation is to investigate and understand Brazils international posture and foreign policy during the first three governments of the military regime (1964-1973) especially the Costa e Silva and Emílio Médici administrations. The dissertation covers the construction of the information system and the repression of social movements and opposition politicians, as well as the Brazilian intervention in the internal affairs of neighboring nations, its ties with the United States and the centrality of the small cadre that led the executive branch in the definition and formulation of these objectives.
79

Fonctions, pouvoirs et influences d’un acteur de la politique étrangère britannique : le Foreign and Commonwealth Office (1968-1985) / The function, power and influence of an agent of British foreign policy : the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (1968-1985)

Revauger, Guilène 28 March 2018 (has links)
Cette recherche s’attache à l’étude d’une institution britannique, à son rôle et son organisation depuis la fusion, en 1968, du Commonwealth Office et du Foreign Office, jusqu’à l’année 1985.Il s’agit ainsi de voir comment le Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) fonctionne et comment il a su évoluer au gré du temps, du changement de la place de la Grande-Bretagne dans le monde, et des conflits internationaux. Ainsi, on peut se demander quelles influences le contexte a eu sur l’institution en elle-même. Dès lors, une place particulière est accordée à l’Europe, la ‘relation spéciale’ avec les États-Unis et la décolonisation.La politique étrangère britannique semble aujourd’hui être principalement dans les mains du pouvoir politique : du ministre des Affaires étrangères (Foreign Secretary), et du Premier ministre. Quelle place le FCO occupe-t-il alors, et quelles relations entretient-il avec le pouvoir politique ?Il s’agit ainsi de considérer la place du FCO au sein des différents acteurs internes et externes de la politique étrangère britannique en analysant trois cas concrets : une réorganisation interne de l’institution (la fusion de 1968), une gestion de crise (l’indépendance retardée de la Guyane britannique, 1953-1966), et une négociation d’accord en temps de paix (l’échec des négociations de la Convention des Nations unies sur le droit de la mer, 1973-1982).Ce travail de recherche tente ainsi d’offrir une interprétation allant au-delà du fonctionnement interne de l’institution. Il s’agit de mettre en relation le Foreign and Commonwealth Office et le pouvoir politique, et ainsi d’étudier les pouvoirs et influences du FCO tout en s’attachant à des périodes clés à l’orée de changements. / This research work is devoted to the study of a key British institution, its function and its organization, from the merger of the Commonwealth Office and the Foreign Office in 1968, until 1985.Of particular interest is the way the changing role of Britain in the world and international conflicts bear upon the functioning and the evolution of the FCO. The point is to assess to what extent the context influences the institution itself.British foreign policy seems to be mostly determined by the Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister. It is therefore well worth gaging what the function of the FCO is, and its relationship with the holders of political power.The role of the FCO as one of the internal and external agents of British foreign policy is assessed here, through three cases: the internal reorganization of the service in 1968, the management of a crisis – the postponements of independence for Guiana from 1953 to 1966, and the failure of a negotiation in peacetime – the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea from 1973 to 1982.Beyond the internal functioning of the institution, this research work strives to offer an interpretation of the changes. The relationship between the FCO and the holders of political power, the real power and influence of the FCO are under consideration, in particular during key moments of particular significance for the institution.
80

資訊時代與外交 / Diplomacy in Information Age

吳竹君, Wu, Chu-Chun Unknown Date (has links)
西元1453年古騰堡發明活字印刷術開啟了資訊革命,而各項資訊傳播科技的相繼發明,更將人類歷史帶入資訊時代。資訊傳播科技超越時空障礙的特質使得人們可以穿越國家疆界線進行交流,促成了全球化的產生,為資訊時代無法阻擋的一股潮流。各項訊息能夠快速且自由的流通,此種現象對國際社會的不同層次均造成衝擊,舉凡國際議題、國家間交往、國家主權乃至於個人生活的各個方面,無一不受到資訊傳播科技大幅發展而面臨轉變。資訊為外交最重要的元素,是外交工作的血肉。先進資訊傳播科技改變了資訊傳遞與接收的特性與方式,對外交體制必定造成相當程度的影響。 資訊傳播科技的發展到了近20年,可說是以電腦科技與網際網路技術為重心。電腦網路等資訊傳播科技應用於國家政治造就了電子民主,若與國家外交相結合便產生「虛擬外交」。資訊為外交不可或缺的內涵,則外交部門及外交人員應用先進資訊傳播科技於其工作中便有其必要性,而虛擬外交的出現實乃反映出資訊時代的需要。 資訊傳播科技在美國萌芽,美國亦是世上最早體認到資訊時代對外交體制造成種種挑戰而展開熱烈討論的國家。自1993年起,美國政府及學術機構便展開一連串的研究活動,目的在探尋資訊時代外交體制的因應之道。美國政府亦積極從事外交再造工程,《1998外交事務改革與重組法》的頒佈與生效,為美國改革實踐的第一步,而美國的作法亦可成為其他國家學習效法的指標。

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