The main aim of this study was to investigate the implementation of the performance management system in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Co-operation of the Botswana public service and to identify the factors that facilitated and hindered the successful implementation of the programme. This study used a mixed methods research design which combines both qualitative and quantitative research design. The study used the model of social programmes, which is a holistic and comprehensive analytical framework that is used to study the implementation of social intervention programmes. Research data was obtained using a triangulation of research methods (case study, evaluation research and survey method) and data sources (literature review, document analysis, self-administered questionnaires and follow-up personal interviews). A sample of 90 respondents was selected using the purposive sampling strategy. The study found that the implementation of the performance management system in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Co-operation was problematic because of unclear and ambiguous foreign policy goals and objectives; lack of broad-based support and critical mass of champions of the performance management system; use of command-and-control management model rather than empowerment and the adaptation model; inadequate human and institutional capacities; ineffective supporting systems of the performance management system; weak accountability and responsibility mechanisms; weak intra-ministerial and inter-ministerial communication, co-operation, collaboration and co-ordination; inadequate information and communications technology infrastructure and unfavourable international environment. This study contributed to the existing literature by investigating the implementation of the performance management system in the global environment from a public service perspective rather than a private sector perspective, which relies on the experiences of multinational companies. The study findings provide some invaluable insights that may improve the implementation of the performance management system in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Co-operation of the Botswana public service by proposing recommendations to the identified problems. The recommendations include: setting clear and specific foreign policy objectives; creating a critical mass of champions of the performance management system; strengthening human and institutional capacities; promoting effective implementation and use of supporting systems of the performance management system; strengthening accountability and responsibility mechanisms; strengthening intra-ministerial and inter-ministerial communication, co-operation, collaboration, and co-ordination; strengthening decentralisation and empowerment principles and upgrading information and communications technology infrastructure. / Public Administration and Management / DPA

The main aim of this study was to investigate the implementation of the performance management system in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Co-operation of the Botswana public service and to identify the factors that facilitated and hindered the successful implementation of the programme. This study used a mixed methods research design which combines both qualitative and quantitative research design. The study used the model of social programmes, which is a holistic and comprehensive analytical framework that is used to study the implementation of social intervention programmes. Research data was obtained using a triangulation of research methods (case study, evaluation research and survey method) and data sources (literature review, document analysis, self-administered questionnaires and follow-up personal interviews). A sample of 90 respondents was selected using the purposive sampling strategy. The study found that the implementation of the performance management system in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Co-operation was problematic because of unclear and ambiguous foreign policy goals and objectives; lack of broad-based support and critical mass of champions of the performance management system; use of command-and-control management model rather than empowerment and the adaptation model; inadequate human and institutional capacities; ineffective supporting systems of the performance management system; weak accountability and responsibility mechanisms; weak intra-ministerial and inter-ministerial communication, co-operation, collaboration and co-ordination; inadequate information and communications technology infrastructure and unfavourable international environment. This study contributed to the existing literature by investigating the implementation of the performance management system in the global environment from a public service perspective rather than a private sector perspective, which relies on the experiences of multinational companies. The study findings provide some invaluable insights that may improve the implementation of the performance management system in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Co-operation of the Botswana public service by proposing recommendations to the identified problems. The recommendations include: setting clear and specific foreign policy objectives; creating a critical mass of champions of the performance management system; strengthening human and institutional capacities; promoting effective implementation and use of supporting systems of the performance management system; strengthening accountability and responsibility mechanisms; strengthening intra-ministerial and inter-ministerial communication, co-operation, collaboration, and co-ordination; strengthening decentralisation and empowerment principles and upgrading information and communications technology infrastructure. / Public Administration and Management / DPA

<p>The aim is to increase our understanding of the mechanisms of social categorization and discrimination, as well as the connection between them. This has been accomplished by examining Swedish refugee policy towards Jewish refugees during the Second World War and the Holocaust, as conducted by The Foreigner’s Bureau of the National Board of Health and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs during 1938−1944. The study also compares the Swedish refugee policy with that of Denmark, Switzerland, Great Britain and the United States. The investigation is guided by such concepts as social categorization, discrimination, antisemitism, organizational culture and established practice. The primary sources are documents, minutes and personal dossiers; <i>Svensk författningssamling</i> (legislation) and articles in <i>Sociala Meddelanden</i> (the National Board’s official journal).</p><p>The main conclusions are that Sweden was not perceived as a country of immigration, based partly of the widespread fear that too many Jewish refugees would create a “Jewish Question”. Swedish authorities discriminated against Jewish refugees on grounds of “race” through a process of categorization. This process began already in the 1920’s, and gradually transformed the definition of “Jew” from a religious to a “racial” definition, based on the Nuremberg Laws. The differentiation of Jewish refugees in official statistics ceased in September 1943, yet it continued secretly until February 1944, encompassing the Norwegian and Danish Jews as well. One important result shows that the shift in policy – from discrimination to large scale reception – was a slow process where this differentiating practice and antisemitic perceptions remained operative. What is defined as an antisemitic background bustle is used to explain how moderate antisemitic expressions were perceived as “unbiased” and “normal” within the Swedish society. Though Sweden’s refugee policy seems similar to that of other countries surveyed, the shift in policy stands out as unique in comparison.</p>

The aim is to increase our understanding of the mechanisms of social categorization and discrimination, as well as the connection between them. This has been accomplished by examining Swedish refugee policy towards Jewish refugees during the Second World War and the Holocaust, as conducted by The Foreigner’s Bureau of the National Board of Health and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs during 1938−1944. The study also compares the Swedish refugee policy with that of Denmark, Switzerland, Great Britain and the United States. The investigation is guided by such concepts as social categorization, discrimination, antisemitism, organizational culture and established practice. The primary sources are documents, minutes and personal dossiers; Svensk författningssamling (legislation) and articles in Sociala Meddelanden (the National Board’s official journal). The main conclusions are that Sweden was not perceived as a country of immigration, based partly of the widespread fear that too many Jewish refugees would create a “Jewish Question”. Swedish authorities discriminated against Jewish refugees on grounds of “race” through a process of categorization. This process began already in the 1920’s, and gradually transformed the definition of “Jew” from a religious to a “racial” definition, based on the Nuremberg Laws. The differentiation of Jewish refugees in official statistics ceased in September 1943, yet it continued secretly until February 1944, encompassing the Norwegian and Danish Jews as well. One important result shows that the shift in policy – from discrimination to large scale reception – was a slow process where this differentiating practice and antisemitic perceptions remained operative. What is defined as an antisemitic background bustle is used to explain how moderate antisemitic expressions were perceived as “unbiased” and “normal” within the Swedish society. Though Sweden’s refugee policy seems similar to that of other countries surveyed, the shift in policy stands out as unique in comparison.

Cette thèse porte sur l’évolution des relations des « nationalités historiques » espagnoles avec l’Union européenne dans les années 1992-2008. L’analyse se concentre sur la genèse d’une paradiplomatie nationaliste européenne dont l’objectif est la reconnaissance de l’identité nationale de ces communautés au sein de l’Union européenne. Après avoir obtenu une certaine reconnaissance nationale et un statut privilégié en Espagne, les élites de ces « nations sans État » ont remarqué que le processus de construction de l’Union européenne a des conséquences négatives sur leur autonomie et, dans ce contexte, ces élites nationalistes sont obligées à concevoir une vraie politique européenne pour protéger leurs intérêts nationaux en Espagne et dans l’Union européenne. À partir de l’étude des rapports établis entre les « nationalités historiques » espagnoles avec l’Union européenne, nous démontrons que l’involution autonomique (en Espagne) et le manque d’empathie de l’Union européenne envers ces communautés nationales sont les principales causes de la genèse de leur politique européenne. Loin d’être simplement associée à une forme de régionalisme ou de néo-régionalisme, cette politique étrangère (« action extérieure ») de ces entités envers l’Union européenne fait partie d’un processus de construction nationale et pourrait être définie comme une paradiplomatie nationaliste. La présente thèse, basée sur une analyse de la politique européenne des « nationalités historiques » entre 1992 et 2008, soutient que les limites du dessein institutionnel de l’Union européenne représentent la principale raison d’être de l’évolution de la paradiplomatie nationaliste vers une protodiplomatie apparemment incohérente. Dans une telle situation, l’inaptitude institutionnelle de l’Union européenne à accommoder les demandes nationalistes serait une cause majeure de l’échec des initiatives nationalistes autonomistes et, en même temps, une cause de l’émergence d’un nouveau courant nationaliste au sein des élites des « nations sans État » occidentales, dont le but est la construction d’un propre État national à l’intérieur de l’Union européenne. / This tesis deals with the story of the relationship between the Spanish "historical nationalities" and the European Union in 1992-2008. The analysis is focusing on the birth of EU-centred nationalist paradiplomacy with the aim of achieving national identity recognition for these communities within the European Union. After having obtained some national recognition and a privileged status within Spain, the elites of these "nations without state" have noted that the process of building the European Union has a negative impact on their autonomy and, in this context, these nationalist elites are forced to conceive a genuine European policy in order to protect their national interests in Spain and within the European Union. Based on the research on the relationship between the Spanish "historical nationalities" and the European Union, we argue that the autonomic involution (within Spain) and the EU lack of empathy for these national communities are the main causes of the birth of their European policy. Far from being simply associated with some kind of regionalism or neo-regionalism, this foreign policy ("external affairs") is a part of a process of national construction and could be defined as a nationalist paradiplomacy. Furthermore, based on an analysis of this EU-centred foreign policy between 1992 and 2008, our tesis claims that the limits of institutional design of the EU represent the main reason for the evolution of this nationalist paradiplomacy towards an apparently incoherent protodiplomacy. In such a situation, the EU institutional inability to accomodate the nationalist demands seems to be responsible for the failure of some Home Rule nationalist projects and stimulates the growth of a new wave of nationalists whose objective is a national State-building within the European Union.

This diploma thesis deals with the relationship between immigrants and the immigration authorities in the Czech Republic. The thesis is divided into two parts - theoretical and practical. The first one summarizes the facts about immigration authorities - the Ministry of the Interior of the Czech Republic, the Foreign Police and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic. It also discusses the causes of migration, the legal aspects and the non-governmental organizations that serves as a mediator between immigrants and the authorities. The practical part deals with the topic of immigrants and the authorities in the media and literature. It also includes a field resarch made by a qualitative method of directed interviews with the immigants, the representatives of non-governmental organizations and the representatives of the immigration authorities. The research is supplemented by an observations at Prague office of the Ministry of the Interrior. The most criticized problems of the Ministry of the Interrior is the failure to meet the statutory deadlines during the processing of applications for long-term stay, the behavior of officers and the queues of immigrants associated with a long waiting. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has a problem with VISAPOINT - an internet operation system for...

1 Abstract Adamů Miloš: Czechoslovak Embassy in Moscow in the years 1945-1948 Praha: The Faculty of Arts of Charles University in Prague, 2011 188 s., The diploma thesis. The thesis monitors and evaluates the activities of the Czechoslovak Embassy in Moscow in the critical post-war years 1945-1948. It attempts to process the structure of the diplomatic and partly personnel corps, including changes that gradually occurred in the office. The task of the thesis is also monitoring the influence of inland events on the running of the embassy and its important leaders in those four years. The thesis largely follows the events of February 1948, which meant milestone situations for the Czechoslovak Embassy's activities and significantly influenced the lives of most of its employees. The ambassadors take the important place and they are given a high attention. The thesis also notes the fates of the selected persons in 1948. Key words: Embassies, Diplomatic Corps, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Soviet Union, MID, National Front, the political parties of NF, communism, action committee.

This diploma thesis investigates propaganda practices of the Czechoslovakian Ministry of Foreign Affairs applied especially to the local press of Vienna during the interwar period. The aim of the thesis is to explain the reasons that made the Czechoslovakian authorities take these steps and to reconstruct the events surrounding the subsidizing of the Vernay publishing house. A part of the investigation is an analysis of the press published under this house (Der Tag, Die Stunde, Die Börse, Die Bühne, Die Sphinx and business books of Compass) - its history, political orientation, columns, journalists, characteristics, etc. The emphasis is placed on changes brought by the Czechoslovakian influence. The thesis studies activities of the journalists (not only in Vernay's newspapers) during the crucial moments of the history of the Austrian - Czechoslovakian relations (e.g. the Austro-German Customs Union of 1931) and then draws conclusions on the effectiveness the propaganda. In this regard, the aspects seen as the most problematic are especially the non-loyalty of some of the journalists, a wide awareness of the propaganda in both countries, and a choice of newspapers intended for the purpose of propaganda.

Les Etats-Unis et le Canada sont confrontés au problème de l’immigration illégale. Pour endiguer le phénomène clandestin, les deux Etats ont recours à la régularisation des sans-papiers sur leur territoire en 1973 [Programme de Rectification du Statut, au Canada] et 1986 [Immigration Reform and Control Act aux Etats-Unis d’Amérique]. Quelle est la portée de la politique de régularisation et les enjeux de l’immigration aux Etats-Unis et au Canada ? / The United States of America [Immigration Reform and Control Act, 1986] and Canada [Adjustment of Status Program, 1973] resorted to amnesty in order to curb the growing complexities of illegal immigration. What was the impact of the legalization program, and the stakes relating to immigration in the United States and Canada ?

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