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81	Las relaciones entre España y la Unión Soviética a través de las Asociaciones de Amistad en el siglo XX Garrido Caballero, María Magdalena 27 September 2006 (has links) La investigación ha abordado los contactos oficiales y extraoficiales entre España y la Unión Soviética durante el siglo XX, y, especialmente, se ha centrado en la proyección del modelo soviético desplegado por las Asociaciones de Amistad, tales como la Sección Española de los Amigos de la Unión Soviética y la Asociación España - URSS, como un medio de calibrar su impacto en España. Asimismo, se ha prestado atención a las asociaciones de amistad británicas para comparar el relativo éxito de estas asociaciones en los dos países. Las principales fuentes utilizadas han sido los fondos VOKS y SODD, procedentes de los archivos estatales rusos, documentos privados de las Asociaciones y testimonios, los cuales han sido cruciales para comprender estas asociaciones, los problemas que encararon así como sus éxitos y fracasos. Las Asociaciones de Amistad con la Unión Soviética fueron un medio de difundir ideales - el antifascismo y la coexistencia pacífica- defendidos por el gobierno Soviético. Así, estas asociaciones constituyeron un tipo de diplomacia popular. En términos generales, la gente que creía en un modelo diferente al capitalista se unió a estas asociaciones y proveyeron ejemplos de respecto en un mundo multicultural. Debido a ello, su mensaje no es obsoleto en el mundo de hoy. / The research deals with the official and unofficial contacts between Spain and the Soviet Union, focussing particularly on those perceptions of the latter disseminated through the various Friendship societies, such as the Spanish Friends of the Soviet Union and the Spain - USSR Society. As a way of assessing their impact in Spain, a chapter is dedicated to the British Friendship societies, which will compare the relative successes of these societies in the two countries. The main sources utilized have been the VOKS and SSOD files from the Russian Federation archives, private documents of the societies and testimonies, which have been crucial to understanding these associations, the problems they faced, as well as their successes and failures.The friendship societies with the Soviet Union were a way of spreading ideals -antifascism and peaceful coexistence - championed by the Soviet government. As such, these societies were a type of popular diplomacy. Broadly speaking, people who believed in a different model than capitalism joined these associations and they provided examples of respect in a multicultural world. Because of that, their message is not obsolete in today's world. 20th Century History The Spanish Civil War refugee children Spain-USSR Society Russian History Foreign Affairs Friends of the Soviet Union Historia del Siglo XX Los Niños de la Guerra Civil española Asociación España - URSS Historia Rusa Propaganda Amigos de la URSS Cultural Relations Asuntos Exteriores Relaciones Culturales Historia Contemporánea 9 93 94
82	Vägen till Beirut : Svenska handelsfrämjande åtgärder i Libanon 1920-1975 / The road to Beirut : Swedish trade promotion initiatives in Lebanon, 1920-1975 Hussein, Ahmad January 2012 (has links) This thesis investigates Swedish trade promotion in Lebanon from 1920 to 1975. The aim is to increase knowledge about how actors in a small open western economy tried to develop their economic interests in an emerging market characterized by great uncertainty. Here, the promising economic outlook coincided with a high degree of political instability. The study analyzes the interactions between Swedish trade related authorities, organizations and companies in their efforts to develop Swedish business interests in Lebanon: a developing country in a conflict-affected area with potentially large and emerging markets, where the cultural distance to Sweden was significant. In this study a model, which is known as the Uppsala model, forms an analytical interpretative framework for studying the actions and strategies of the trade related authorities and organizations despite the model's specific perspective on the establishment process of firms abroad. Based on the taxonomy, which is the basis of this interpretative model, this interpretative framwork has been possible to apply because of the assumed interactions between trade related authorities/organizations and companies when establishing commercial presence in new markets. The assumption is that the trade related authorities and organizations enhance for companies in various ways, while there is an economic-political interest that the state strives to reach by encouraging companies to set up business in new markets. By using this model, the events have been systematized through a historical generalization and periodization of Swedish trade promotion and organization. Added with the type of knowledge development that has taken place. In this way, the role of authorities and organizations in trade promotion and organizational build-up abroad has been highlighted. The results show that Swedish trade promotion attempts and organization in Lebanon took place in close cooperation with Swedish trade related authorities and organizations through their information inflows. In practice the companies' needs for information and assistance were reflected in the work that has been exercised by the authorities and organizations. By playing an important role in information building, escalating network positions and at the same time providing the companies with specific information, the trade related authorities and organizations became key actors in the development of Swedish trade relations with Lebanon. The study concludes that new perspectives can be obtained by including trade related authorities and organizations when using the Uppsala model in future studies. / Denna avhandling studerar svenska handelsfrämjande åtgärder i Libanon 1920-1975. Syftet är att öka kunskapen om hur aktörer i en liten öppen västekonomi försökte utveckla sina ekonomiska intressen på en ny framväxande marknad präglad av stor osäkerhet, där lovande ekonomiska utsikter sammanföll med en hög grad av politisk instabilitet. I studien analyseras samspelet mellan svenska handelsrelaterade myndigheter, organisationer och företag i deras strävan att utveckla svenska handels- och affärsintressen i Libanon: ett land som betraktas här som ett utvecklingsland i ett konfliktdrabbat område med potentiellt stora och nya marknader med ett betydande kulturellt avstånd till Sverige. I studien utgör den så kallade Uppsalamodellen den analytiska tolkningsramen för att studera myndigheternas och intresseorganisationernas agerande och strategier, trots att modellens perspektiv bygger på företagens utlandsetablering. Med utgångspunkt i den taxonomi som är grunden i modellen har denna tolkningsram varit möjlig på grund av det samspel som antas finnas mellan företag och myndigheter, särskilt när det gäller etablerandet av en affärsmässig närvaro på en ny och osäker marknad. Antaganden är att myndigheterna på olika sätt underlättar för företagen, samtidigt som det finns ett statligt ekonomisk-politiskt intresse att få företag att etablera sig på nya marknader. Med hjälp av modellen har händelseförloppen systematiserats genom en historisk generalisering och periodisering av svenska handelsfrämjande åtgärder med avseende på organisation och den typ av kunskapsuppbyggnad som skett. Därmed belyses också myndigheternas och organisationernas roll vid företagsetableringar i utlandet. Resultaten visar att företagsetableringsförsöken och organisationen av svensk handel i Libanon skedde i nära samarbete mellan svenska myndigheter och organisationer genom utbyte av information. I praktiken avspeglades företagens behov av information och hjälp i myndigheternas och organisationernas arbete. I och med att myndigheterna/organisationerna deltog i informationsuppbyggnaden, skapandet av nätverkspositioner och samtidigt förmedlade information mellan företagen var dessa betingade som centrala aktörer vid etableringen av svenska handelsförbindelser med Libanon. Studiens slutsats är att nya perspektiv gällande företagsetableringar på utländska marknader kan erhållas genom att inkludera myndigheters och organisationers agerande vid tillämpningen av Uppsala modellen i framtida studier. Economic history Middle East the Arab World mandated power mandate superpowers Cold War Lebanon Sweden trade trade policy trade promotion business establishment networks the Uppsala model the Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs the General Export Association of Sweden the Swedish Trade Council LM Ericsson Ekonomisk historia Mellanöstern Arabvärlden mandatmakt mandatland supermakter Kalla kriget Libanon Sverige handel handelspolitik handelsfrämjande åtgärder företagsetablering nätverk Uppsalamodellen Sveriges Utrikesdepartement Sveriges Allmänna Exportförening Sveriges Exportråd LM Ericsson
83	O Senado e a política externa do governo do Partido dos Trabalhadores (2003-2012): a força do discurso parlamentar / The brazilian Senate and the foreign policy of the worker s party administration (2003-2012): the strength of congressional discourse Silva, Rodinei Tarciano 03 June 2013 (has links) Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5288.pdf: 5245279 bytes, checksum: cd4e6554887f5aea197bb69243a6250a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-03 / This research aims to analyze the Brazilian Senate s Foreign Affairs Committee (CRE) according to the Discursive Institutionalism and the Political Discourse theories. This discursive study have sought to verify whether the CRE actually has an important institutional and discursive role in foreign policy making, which is typically deemed to be a preponderant power of the Executive branch, letting little room for the Legislative branch. This thesis argues that Brazilian foreign policy is public policy such as any else, even though foreign policy has the unique feature of usually being negotiated overseas by the Executive branch before the domestic political negotiation due to constitutional and organizational reasons. The methods of institutional analysis are deployed under a discursive perspective in order to demonstrate that the Brazilian Congress and its standing committees were endowed with legislative means of discursive participation in the foreign policy making, and, also, are analyzed the speeches of the senators to show that even those discursive means are subject to political discourse favoring the expansion and the improvement of their own efficacy, which presents the senators as interested participants in the foreign policy discussion. The CRE s political discourse also shows that political parties are important in that discussion, and they are analyzed in an ideological dimension in a left-right continuum in foreign policy done in this work and in their position inside congressional coalition groups, government or opposition. The speeches in the committee are researched through Discursive Textual Analysis on ideological (right-left) cleavage and on congressional coalition (government-opposition) cleavage, on the programmatic ideas of the political parties and on the specific political ideas in the metatexts made from the speeches about foreign affairs. The main results are: the CRE s political discourse has an intrinsically party matter, in which the ideas of the senators reverberate their party programmatic ideas during their coordinative discourse (inside the political instance), the importance of the discursive function of the Senate and of the CRE is crucial for foreign policy making, and the Brazilian foreign policy towards leftist regimes in Latin America was the main issue causing dissent in the committee between 2003 and 2012. / Este estudo teve por objetivo analisar a Comissão de Relações Exteriores e Defesa Nacional do Senado (CRE) com base na teoria do institucionalismo discursivo e do discurso político. Neste estudo discursivo, buscou-se verificar se a CRE tem um papel institucional e discursivo importante para a elaboração da política externa, tipicamente considerada como uma atribuição preponderante do Poder Executivo em que caberia muito pouco ao Poder Legislativo. Esta tese argumenta que a política externa é uma política pública como as demais, apesar da peculiaridade de se haver uma negociação internacional pelo Poder Executivo que, por questões constitucionais e organizacionais, antecede a fase de negociação política doméstica. São utilizados métodos de análise institucional sob um prisma discursivo para demonstrar que o Congresso Nacional e suas comissões foram dotados de meios legislativos de participação discursiva em da política externa brasileira, e é feita uma análise dos pronunciamentos dos senadores para mostrar que esses próprios meios institucionais discursivos são objetos de um discurso político em favor da ampliação e do melhoramento de sua eficácia, o que faz dos senadores participantes interessados da discussão da política externa. Também é verificada uma importância dos partidos políticos no discurso político da CRE, analisados em sua dimensão ideológica em um continuum esquerda-direita em política externa elaborado neste trabalho e pelo pertencimento a blocos parlamentares governistas e oposicionistas. Os pronunciamentos dos senadores na comissão são investigados por meio da Análise Textual Discursiva sobre a clivagem ideológica direita-esquerda e a clivagem da coalizão parlamentar governo-oposição, sobre as ideias programáticas dos partidos políticos e sobre as ideias políticas específicas presentes nos metatextos construídos a partir dos pronunciamentos dos senadores quanto à política externa. Os resultados atestam que o discurso político na CRE tem um teor eminentemente partidário, onde as ideias dos senadores repercutem as ideias programáticas dos partidos políticos em seu discurso coordenativo (na instância política), que há uma crucial importância da função discursiva do Senado e da CRE na elaboração da política externa e que a política externa do Brasil para os países latinos com governos de esquerda foi a principal questão de dissenso na comissão entre 2003 e 2012. Ciência política Discurso político Institucionalismo discursivo Partidos políticos Brasil Congresso Senado Política externa Institucionalismo discursivo Comissão de Relações Exteriores Programas partidários Ideias políticas Análise textual discursiva Political discourse Discursive institutionalism Foreign Affairs Committee Foreign Policy Political parties Party programs Political ideas Discursive Textual Analysis CIENCIAS HUMANAS::CIENCIA POLITICA
84	Gender mainstreaming i sociala trygghetssystem : Sveriges internationella utvecklingsbistånd i Afrika, söder om Sahara / Gender mainstreaming in social protection systems : Sweden’s foreign aid in sub-Saharan Africa Jeganeh, Charles, Bracamonte, Antonio January 2017 (has links) Denna kvalitativa studie om internationellt utvecklingsbistånd undersöker effekterna av gender mainstreaming i sociala trygghetssystem i Afrika, söder om Sahara, med särskilt fokus på jämställdhet, kvinnors empowerment och biståndets effekter på familjeförhållanden. Studien lyfter fram en historisk bakgrund av gender mainstreaming i politiken, men även dagens internationella engagemang för att bekämpa den extrema fattigdomen. Studien belyser det svenska internationella biståndets initiativ för att minska fattigdomen i Afrika, söder om Sahara. Totalt genomfördes fyra semistrukturerade intervjuer med högkvalificerade tjänstemän som representerar det internationella biståndet, med bakgrund från Utrikesdepartementet, Styrelsen för internationellt utvecklingssamarbete (Sida), Latinamerikainstitutet på Stockholms universitet och UNICEF Office of Research - Innocenti. Resultatet visade att ett genderintegrerat bistånd i form av sociala kontantöverföringar som främjar jämställdhet i samhällen som biståndet verkar i, bidrar till att minska den extrema fattigdomen. Men resultaten visade även att det krävs ytterligare forskning för att kunna se direkta kausala effekter av biståndet som riktas till kvinnor jämfört med bistånd som riktas till män, samt den effekt som biståndet har på kvinnors empowerment och på biståndsmottagarnas familjeförhållanden. Slutsatsen av undersökningen är att uppbyggnaden av genderintegrerade sociala trygghetssystem i Afrika, söder om Sahara, är av särskild betydelse då man genom ökad jämställdhet och ett övergripande socialt skyddsnät minskar den extrema fattigdomen och främjar regionens välmående i sin helhet. / This qualitative study on international development aid explores the effects of gender mainstreaming in social protection systems in sub-Saharan Africa, with a focus on gender equality, women's empowerment and family structures. The study features a historical background of gender mainstreaming in politics, but also today's international commitment to combat extreme poverty. The study highlights the initiative of the Swedish international aid to reduce poverty in sub-Saharan Africa. A total of four semi-structured interviews were conducted with highly qualified public servants representing the international foreign aid, representing The Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), The Institute of Latin American Studies at Stockholm University and UNICEF Office of Research - Innocenti. The results showed that a gender-based foreign aid in the form of social cash transfers that aims to promote gender equality, helps to reduce extreme poverty. In addition, the results showed that further research is required to see the direct effects of aid directed at women as compared with aid directed at men, as well as the impact of aid on women's empowerment and the family structures of aid recipients. The conclusion of this study is that the development of gender-based social protection systems in sub-Saharan Africa is of particular importance as, through increased gender equality and overall social protection systems, the region's prosperity increases, and levels of extreme poverty reduces. Social Protection Systems Gender Mainstreaming Gender Equality Social Cash Transfers Feminism International Aid Foreign Aid SIDA Ministry of Foreign Affairs UNICEF Empowerment Extreme Poverty Public Administration. Sociala trygghetssystem gender mainstreaming jämställdhet sociala kontantöverföringar feminism internationellt bistånd Sida Utrikesdepartementet UNICEF empowerment extrem fattigdom offentlig förvaltning. Social Work Socialt arbete
85	La lutte contre le terrorisme vue par les hauts fonctionnaires du quai d'orsay : pour une contribution française au concept d'operational code / The fight against terrorism through the eyes of senior civil servants of the quai d’orsay : for a french contribution to the concept of operational code Germiyanoglu, Okan 09 December 2014 (has links) La lutte contre le terrorisme est une préoccupation contemporaine des diplomaties, alors que sa définition internationale demeure introuvable. Dans une approche organisationnelle, les hauts fonctionnaires du ministère français des Affaires étrangères partageraient une vision commune sur la violence terroriste et un « savoir-faire » qui leur permettraient de prendre des décisions efficaces pour la prévenir et la combattre. Or, dans une approche constructiviste, la lutte contre le terrorisme relève de relations intersubjectives comprenant l’activation de systèmes de croyances ou Operational Codes (OPCODES) différents, selon que les diplomates français viennent de l’ENA ou du Concours d’Orient. Ces croyances jouent un rôle dans la façon que les hauts fonctionnaires voient le monde, l’ennemi, mais aussi se perçoivent dans leurs fonctions. Ce sont aussi des croyances préexistantes, forgées à partir des expériences et des engagements personnels, qui font que les décisions en matière d’antiterrorisme ne relèvent pas seulement de considérations sécuritaires, mais aussi de motivations matérielles, émotionnelles, cognitives et morales pour un Etat comme la France / The fight against terrorism is a contemporary concern shared in state diplomacy, though no such common definition exists in international affairs. From an organizational approach, senior civil servants of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs are thought to share a global vision on terrorist violence and a savoir-faire that should allow them to make effective decisions in their efforts to prevent and fight against it. However, in a constructivist approach, the war on terrorism draws its inspiration from inter-subjective relations that activate a set of belief systems or different Operational Codes (OPCODES). These beliefs systems, though dependent French diplomats’ background (Ecole Nationale d’Administration (ENA) or the Concours d’Orient), contribute to their decision making process. Thus, these beliefs play a role in the way decision makers see the world, the enemy, but also as to how they perceive themselves in their duties. These pre-existing beliefs which have been forged through personal experiences and commitments are responsible for shaping a decision making process that is not solely based on security concerns. They are in fact, also determined by material, emotional, cognitive and moral motivations for a state such as that of France Relations internationales Politique étrangère Diplomatie Diplomate Ambassadeur Ministère des affaires étrangères Quai d'Orsay Hauts fonctionnaires Croyances Émotions Loyauté Code opérationnel Opcode Sécurité Terrorisme Violence Guerre International relations Foreign policy Diplomacy Diplomat Ambassador Ministry of foreign affairs Quai d'Orsay Senior civil servants, Beliefs Emotions Loyalty Operational code Opcode Security Terrorism Violence War 320
86	An analysis of South Africa's relationship with the Commonwealth of Nations between 1945 and 1961 Makin, Michael Philip 04 1900 (has links) This thesis provides a survey and an analysis of South Africa's relations with the British Commonwealth (Commonwealth of Nations) between the years 1945 and 1961. It outlines and explains the deterioration of this relationship in the context of the crisis in South Africa's foreign relations after World War II. Documentary evidence is produced to throw more light on the relationship with Britain and, to a lesser extent, other Commonwealth countries. This relationship is analysed in the context of political, economic and strategic imperatives which made it necessary for Britain to continue to seek South Africa's co-operation within the Commonwealth. This thesis also describes how the African and Asian influence began to be felt within the Commonwealth on racial issues. This influence was to become particularly important during the crucial period after the Sharpeville incident. The attitudes of Britain and other Commonwealth countries at the two crucial conferences of 1960 and 1961 are re-examined. The attitude of extra-parliamentary organisations in South Africa towards the Commonwealth connection is an important theme of this thesis in addition to the other themes mentioned above. It is demonstrated how Indian and African opinions became increasingly hostile towards what was seen as British and "white" Commonwealth "appeasement" of South Africa. These attitudes are surveyed in the context of an increasing radicalisation of black politics in South Africa. The movement by English and Afrikaans-speaking white South Africans toward a consensus on racial and foreign policy is also examined. Finally, the epilogue to this thesis discusses the return of South Africa to the Commonwealth in 1994. It includes a brief survey of developments in the Commonwealth attitude to South Africa since 1961. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History) Commonwealth and South Africa British Commonwealth International relations Foreign affairs Africa and apartheid High Commission Territories United Nations and South Africa African National Congress India and South Africa Pan Africanist Congress South African Indian Congress Economic and military policies Britain and South Africa Smuts Malan Strijdom Verwoerd 327.68 African National Congress. United Nations -- South Africa. India -- Relations -- South Africa
87	巴拉圭在南錐共同市場角色之研究 / The Role of Paraguay in MERCOSUR, some available options 裴兆璞, PEI, Chau - Pu Unknown Date (has links) 近年來，國際體系已從冷戰期間的兩元化趨向為現今的多元化發展，國際關係中國家角色的定位亦已由消極地孤立、不結盟朝向結盟、區域整合與全球化的目標邁進，並積極地參與國際政治與經濟組織，以因應全球競爭白熱化的趨勢。有鑑於此，全球性及區域性的經貿組織如雨後春筍般盛行，為當今國際經濟與金融新秩序之整合，注入一股欣欣向榮的氣象。　　巴拉圭向為堅決反共的國家，在東西冷戰結束後邁向民主政治，並於國際上力求擺脫從前孤立形象，重返國際舞台，在其所參與之許多國際組織中，尤以當今第三大經貿集團─南錐共同市場，對其國家發展影響至深且鉅。巴拉圭在南錐共同市場四個創始會員國中雖屈居弱勢，但其如何能在南錐強鄰間運用外交政策─折衝、斡旋，並以四兩撥千金方式，強化本身競爭利基，積極謀求開創新的國家角色，實為巴拉圭未來在南錐共同市場發展所需面臨的挑戰與深思的課題。再者，當整合階段若仍處於較低階的國家層次時，遇國家利益與區域利益相衝突，各會員國往往以國家利益為先。因此，在南錐共同市場的整合過程中與各會員國間互動關係、定位、「區域角色」的扮演、以至於如何達成高層次的區域調和，循序漸進地朝向經濟整合程序邁進，著實對巴拉圭與其他會員國的政治與經濟皆產生莫大之衝擊，巴拉圭政府如何在國家利益與區域利益中取得平衡點並採取有效的因應策略，亦是其國家發展中需面對的另一重大考驗。　　本論文共分為七章。第壹章緒論，第貳章闡述國際關係中角色理論之基本概念、層次分析及類別，強調在詭譎多變的國際關係中，國家仍一貫扮演最重要的角色，第參章從歷史發展軌跡中探討巴拉圭的國家角色及其外交政策取向之演變，尤其對巴拉圭與巴西及阿根廷之雙邊與三邊互動關係，做一全盤性的概述，以便增進對巴拉圭所處之整體情勢有所了解。第肆章主要針對巴拉圭加入南錐共同市場之政治與經濟動機，和不同面向之內、外在環境時空背景作剖析，第伍章說明南錐共同市場靜態面的基本制度、原則、組織架構與功能介紹及動態面的整合運作模式；以析論南錐共同市場區域內整合深化程度與區域外廣化之關係。第陸章探討巴拉圭在南錐共同市場之角色定位，藉由其發表之「南錐共同市場政策白皮書」檢視其外交政策，並對其在南錐共同市場之未來運作趨勢與影響作深入研究，第陸章結論，就巴拉圭之國家角色和區域角色之互動機制作一總結，旨在對巴拉圭加入南錐共同市場之前景與挑戰賦予嶄新的期許，期能透過政治對話、經濟同盟，創造競爭優勢。第柒章為結論。 / The purpose of this thesis is twofold. The first is to describe and obtain some stylized facts about Paraguay's insertion into MERCOSUR and clarify how this trading bloc enables the economic integration among its members. The second is to analyze the likely economic policies that Paraguay, a small country, may develop in order to identify her own available options, bearing in mind her landlocked but geo-strategic position in the Common Market. The scope on Paraguay's vocation for the democracy consolidation, as well as her pursuit to take due advantages of her abundant hydroelectric energy, and to become into a logistic production and services center for those who are interested in exploring the huge market of more than 200 millions consumers of MERCOSUR, also takes place in this paper. Since the creation of MERCOSUR, Paraguay had to face, frequently, outward difficulties in its efforts to remove non-tariff barriers imposed mainly by its two big neighbours - Brazil and Argentine, beside inward political disagreement and impasse. Her traditional open and informal market precises the due governmental and economical reforms, so her private sector may stands still in the present stage of a consolidating and challenging custom union. The gradual decline of Paraguay's Eastern City - Ciudad del Este, as a prototype of the commerce of re-exportation shows a clear sign of alert to the whole subsisted economy system, that may not apply for the forthcoming trend of mayor competitiveness, since its incompatible pattern with the new scheme of integration, must find its own way to harmonize Paraguay's and MERCOSUR'S joint interests. That means there is still a lot of reforms to be done. For the application of mid and long term trade policies, the year 2006 - time when full-fledged liberalization under IMERCOSUR will become a reality, may appear much closer for Paraguay. At that time, there won't be any exception more for Paraguayan products in MERCOSUR, and it's a must, for the sake of Paraguay, that the domestic debate of reforms concludes into successful process with no more delay nor hesitation. In this respect there are grounds for certain optimism as we can notice in the maquila sector, since some public and private sector have shown its determination to change the stagnant statu-quo, and to adapt the due framework to the needs of a better tomorrow. This work carefully documents the English translation of the agreement that gave life to MERCOSUR, also known as the Asuncion Treaty, in honor of the Paraguay's capital city where the historical and political decision took place. 巴拉圭南錐共同市場自由貿易區域經濟整合集體外交區域營運中心國家角色研究拉丁美洲外交政策 PARAGUAY MERCOSUR FREE TRADE REGIONAL ECONOMIC INTEGRATION COLLECTIVE DIPLOMACY REGIONAL OPERATION CENTER COUNTRY ROLE STUDY LATIN AMERICA FOREIGN AFFAIRS ASUNCION TREATY ECONOMIC INTEGRATION CUSTOM UNION COMMON MARKET
88	An analysis of South Africa's relationship with the Commonwealth of Nations between 1945 and 1961 Makin, Michael Philip 04 1900 (has links) This thesis provides a survey and an analysis of South Africa's relations with the British Commonwealth (Commonwealth of Nations) between the years 1945 and 1961. It outlines and explains the deterioration of this relationship in the context of the crisis in South Africa's foreign relations after World War II. Documentary evidence is produced to throw more light on the relationship with Britain and, to a lesser extent, other Commonwealth countries. This relationship is analysed in the context of political, economic and strategic imperatives which made it necessary for Britain to continue to seek South Africa's co-operation within the Commonwealth. This thesis also describes how the African and Asian influence began to be felt within the Commonwealth on racial issues. This influence was to become particularly important during the crucial period after the Sharpeville incident. The attitudes of Britain and other Commonwealth countries at the two crucial conferences of 1960 and 1961 are re-examined. The attitude of extra-parliamentary organisations in South Africa towards the Commonwealth connection is an important theme of this thesis in addition to the other themes mentioned above. It is demonstrated how Indian and African opinions became increasingly hostile towards what was seen as British and "white" Commonwealth "appeasement" of South Africa. These attitudes are surveyed in the context of an increasing radicalisation of black politics in South Africa. The movement by English and Afrikaans-speaking white South Africans toward a consensus on racial and foreign policy is also examined. Finally, the epilogue to this thesis discusses the return of South Africa to the Commonwealth in 1994. It includes a brief survey of developments in the Commonwealth attitude to South Africa since 1961. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History) Commonwealth and South Africa British Commonwealth International relations Foreign affairs Africa and apartheid High Commission Territories United Nations and South Africa African National Congress India and South Africa Pan Africanist Congress South African Indian Congress Economic and military policies Britain and South Africa Smuts Malan Strijdom Verwoerd 327.68 African National Congress. United Nations -- South Africa. India -- Relations -- South Africa
89	Vztahy československého a kubánského filmového průmyslu v šedesátých letech / Czechoslovak-Cuban Cinematic Cooperation in the 1960s Matušková, Magdaléna January 2017 (has links) The study analyzes the largely understudied cinematic cooperation between Czechoslovakia and Cuba in the first decade following the Cuban Revolution. It is based mostly on archival documents from the former Central Directorship of Czechoslovak State Film, the ministry of education and culture and the ministry of foreign affairs. Several chapters also draw from oral history, data collected from series of interviews with Cuban technicians and artists who have worked in Cuban cinema since the 1960s as well as Czechoslovak experts who worked at the Cuban Institute of Cinematographic Arts and Industries in the 1960s. The Cuban Institute of Cinematographic Art and Industry (CICAI), founded in March 1959 shortly after the triumph of the Revolution, faced a shortage of human and material resources since its inception. The film industry, which had been mostly in the hands of the Americans before 1959, lost much personnel due to mass emigration. Later on, due to the American blockade and embargo, it also lost its most important provider of films, material and equipment. The majority of CICAI's technician and artists were just starting and were lacking in technical knowledge required to make films. Czechoslovak State Film (CSF) offered extensive help to Cuban cinema, especially in the area of developing the...
90	“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of Canada Kinuthia, Wanyee 13 November 2013 (has links) This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad. natural resources raw materials global extractive industry mining accumulation by dispossession primitive accumulation resource curse free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC) consultation free entry Bill C-300 Omnibus Bill self-determination madaraka land grabs governance gap enforcement vacuum regulatory gap landlessness involuntary resettlement displacement liberalization financial markets capitalism International Monetary Fund (IMF) Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) Impact and Benefits Agreement (IBA) corporate social responsibility (CSR) international political economy (IPE) Washington Consensus Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) sustainable development rare earth oil fossil fuels Whitehorse Mining Initiative (WMI) foreign direct investment (FDI) privatization neoliberal / corporate globalization Northern Gateway pipeline project Ring of Fire centre-periphery metropolitan-hinterland Gross Domestic Product (GDP) Extractive Industries Review (EIR) Sub-Saharan Africa war on terror terrorists false flag terrorism Fisheries Act Navigable Waters Protection Act primary goods aid Third World debt free trade modernization dependency tariffs trade barriers HudBay home country liability state Toronto Stock Exchange (TSX) spatio-temporal fix militarism Sudbury Atlantic Canada Crown neo-colonialism industrial revolution imperialism public policy democracy justice Export Development Corporation (EDC) Kimberley Process Mining Association of Canada equity austerity measures Mining Act reforms proletariat aboriginal Least Developed Countries (LDCs) developing country comparative advantage human rights export-led development Tiomin Government of Kenya Government of Canada Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) World Bank Group (WBG) World Trade Organization (WTO) Bill C-38 Bill C-45 Assembly of First Nations (AFN) Idle No More meaningful participation AFRICOM titanium Base Resources Australia House of Commons conditionalities Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs)

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