Expanding on prior research into the state level causes of terrorism, I argue that state repression and limited state capacity reduces opportunities for non-violent political expression and increases the utility of terrorism. I also argue that economic freedom can is a form of political expression that can dissipate political grievances. While previous authors analyzed some of these variables separately using data on transnational attacks, I created a complete model incorporating the three categories of variables and tested my hypotheses using data that includes both domestic and transnational attacks. I use regression analysis for hypothesis testing and find support for the three primary contentions of this thesis and conclude that limits on political expression increase the likelihood nations will experienced increased levels of terrorism.

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Thesis ( M.A. ( Media Studies)) -- University of Limpopo, 2005 / It is currently generally recognized that freedom of expression 1s a fundamental human right. In South Africa this recognition was realized with the advent of the new democratic dispensation in 1994. Freedom of the press in South Africa came as no coincidence - there had been long and concerted efforts to fight apartheid and its in-ward facing media legislation. These concerted efforts culminated in the "Jabulani: Open Airwaves: conference held in the Nederlands in 1993. This landmark conference undeniably laid a solid foundation for the media freedom South Africa enjoys today. Many would argue that South Africa is now finally entrenched in the libertarian viewpoint of the press, while others feel that the media should be moving beyond libertarianism towards social responsibility. Based on these press theories, this study reveals that there is need to strike a balance between the two in South Africa in particular and in Africa in gene ral. It is shown how libertarian theories are a far cry from the authoritarian and nee-communist media theories utilized by the former apartheid regime. Re press ive South African media laws are well documented, but a brief historical overview is given in the study to show the depth and the media engineered by the state. It also points out the gaps in journalism training, both in the past and at present this focus reveals that journalists are an important kingpin in press freedom. Their training and ideological orientation can either promote diversity or throttle it. It is for this reason that this research study was undertaken to endeavour to elicit in forma tion about the state of journalism 1n selected newsrooms by developing a questionnaire that could be mailed or used in structured interviews The study has revealed that many newsrooms are now run by youthful journalists, of whom a large number have inadequate education and training. This has affected the quality of information both the public and private sectors are broadcasting. However, the study ahs shown that some of the reasons for this poor performance seems to lie in the recruitment structures of newsrooms. In addition, effective induction is not given on appointment. Many organisations rely on external training, otherwise it is sink or swim. The study finally recommends a sound basic education for journalists in all possible languages. While it is important that journalism training at tertiary institutions in South Africa should include practical skills and standard training to enhance contextual knowledge in journalism programmes.

This study examined the impact of dissent and workplace freedom of speech on employees’ well-being (subjective, psychological and workplace well-being). Data for the study were collected through an online survey distributed to employees of various organizations. The findings revealed that upward dissent was positively related to subjective well-being (consisting of life satisfaction, positive affect and negative affect), psychological well-being, workplace well-being, and workplace freedom of speech. Lateral dissent was positively related to negative affect, workplace well-being and negatively related to life satisfaction and positive affect. However, there was no relationship between lateral dissent and psychological well-being. Workplace freedom of speech was positively related to psychological well-being and workplace well-being. Practical and theoretical implications are discussed.

The aim of this study is to examine if the freedom of information and thus also the freedom of expression in Sweden can be harmed if Swedish archives will start to identity control and register scholars who wants to take part private of archives in public archives. To find an answer, I have looked at the advantages and disadvantages of such registration and control. If a registration is introduced there is some thought about sort out and preservation and you can see if the principle of openness and thus freedom of expression can be damaged in such a registration. I have analysed and compared Swedish laws concerning the principle of openness and for archives as well as the EU’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) and conducted semi-structured interviews with a lawyer, an archivist, and a journalist. I have concluded that it is possible for the Swedish National Archive to register who takes part in their individual archives, but it is uncertain how long this information can be preserved. Most of the informants believe that the principle of openness and thus freedom of expression can be damaged if control of identification is introduced. The journalist believes that the registered information can be used to map journalists and prevent them from accessing information in private archives. / Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka om offentlighetsprincipen och därmed också yttrandefriheten i Sverige kan skadas om svenska arkiv kommer att börja identitetskontrollera och registrera forskare som vill delta privat i arkiv i offentliga arkiv. För att hitta ett svar har jag tittat på fördelarna och nackdelarna med sådan registrering och kontroll. Om en registrering införs tänker man på sortering och bevarande och man kan se om principen om öppenhet och därmed yttrandefrihet kan skadas i en sådan registrering. Jag har analyserat och jämfört svenska lagar om principen om öppenhet och för arkiv samt EU: s allmänna dataskyddsförordning (GDPR) och genomfört halvstrukturerade intervjuer med en advokat, en arkivare och en journalist. Jag har kommit fram till att det är möjligt för Svenska Nationalarkivet att registrera vem som deltar i sina enskilda arkiv, men det är osäkert hur länge denna information kan bevaras. De flesta informanter tror att principen om öppenhet och därmed yttrandefrihet kan skadas om kontroll av identifiering införs. Journalisten tror att den registrerade informationen kan användas för att kartlägga journalister och hindra dem från att få tillgång till information i privata arkiv.

The Issue of Employees' Expression on Social Media Abstract The aim of the diploma thesis was to describe the involvement of employees in social media according to the labour legislation. The goal is to define the extent to which positive law already reflects the trend of social networks in the field of labour relations and to establish limits of the employees' private posts. These limits arise from the labor law regulation, as well as significant cases dealt with by Czech and European courts. The work is divided into four parts. The first part defines the fundamental concepts, on the basis of which the work later analyzes the nature of employees' expressions through the medium and the resulting correctives provided for by the legislation. The second and third parts of the thesis describe the law in the field of employee expression and involvement in social networks, both at international and national level. The emphasis is placed on the courts' rulings in the significant cases, which extensively complete this issue. The fourth part of the thesis is devoted to current topics that employers face in the field of involvement of their employees on social networks in their leisure time. The chapter presents model situations in which employees' contributions to to social medias concerning the employer are...

This project explores how film censorship shapes film production and circulation at film festivals, public screenings, and theatrical releases since the early 2000s in Turkey. It argues that, over time, mechanisms of censorship under Erdoğan’s authoritarian regime became less centralized; practices of censorship became more dispersed and less and less “official;” and the various imposing actors and agencies have differed from those in previous decades. Though still consistent with longstanding state ideologies, reasons for censorship practices, now more than ever, must be complexly navigated and negotiated by producers and distributors of film, including festival organizers, art institutions, and filmmakers themselves, through self-censorship.Drawing on a number of in-depth case studies of films banned after 2000, this project analyzes these works within the political and social contexts surrounding their releases, as well as ethnographic data based on dozens of extensive semi-structured interviews with cultural producers over five years of fieldwork. The corresponding ethnographic fieldwork research reveals how the political climate in Turkey has affected (and worked to suppress) cultural production, freedom of speech, activism, and political resistance to the Erdoğan regime. It asks how political activism, speech, and events are converted into the visibility of image, sound, and text (as film) ultimately meets up with structures of the states that seek to obstruct or eliminate this mode of political engagement, not just through banning of artistic expression, but also through processes of delegitimization, investigatory targeting, threats, hate speech, and violence. / Anthropology

The freedom of speech, caricatures and satire, bans on veils and burning of the Koran have been reported and portrayed in different ways in several news media. The aim of this study was to analyze how the burnings of the Koran in Sweden are portrayed in Swedish media (Dagens Nyheter) compared to English-language Arabic media (Al Arabiya). With the framing theory and postcolonial theory as a theoretical basis, we asked the following research questions: What themes can be found in the reporting of the Koran burning in Dagens Nyheter and Al Arabyia? How is Sweden represented in the various news media? The analysis method we have used is qualitative thematic analysis. In the analysis, four themes emerged: Sweden's image, freedom of speech and blasphemy, Koran burners and demonstrations. Based on a postcolonial-, orientalist-, and occidentalist approach the results show that there was often an “us and them” feeling from both sides. It may also depend on which media logic is used in the various media newsrooms and which audience the media outlets are targeting.

This study aims to examine the impact of and the interconnection between Twitter and Free Speech, with a focus in Swedish policy and culture, as well as the differences regarding Jack Dorsey’s versus Elon Musk’s management of Twitter Inc. An analysis based in conceptual history examines the utilization of Freedom of Speech through the ages which is then complemented by a Critical discourse analysis of Twitter and the culture wars being waged in Sweden. The usage of Bourdieu’s Forms of Capital and his ideas about fast-thinking and invisible censorship is used to illuminate the ways of which Twitter is being used as well as theway Twitter is, in return, using its user base. This study shows that Twitter lacks traditional accountability usually afforded media companies who are in the business of publicizing information and public opinion. This lack of accountability has led to the misuse and abusive way which Free Speech is being utilized on Twitter, with evidence based in the Swedish culture wars

The Occupy movement has spread over hundreds of cities nationwide and over 1,500 cities around the world. The movement is formed around a common goal, which is to protest the way government actions or inactions have rooted widespread discontent. The Occupy movement has encountered opposition from the cities and counties where it is located. Arrests have been made for a number of violations of city and county codes including resistance to police orders and disorderly conduct charges. In our country, freedom of speech and the right to protest have been regarded as inalienable rights. The question becomes how to balance the rights of the people involved against the rights and obligations of the government. This thesis will provide an in depth look at the issues being discussed in cases and hearings involving the Occupy movement. The key issue plaintiffs argue is that their First Amendment rights are being infringed on. In January 2012, both international human rights and United States civil liberties experts at seven law school clinics across the country met and formed the Protest and Assembly Rights Project. The project investigated the United States response to Occupy Wall Street. This thesis will discuss and recap some of their findings. In addition, it will analyze the Federal Constitutional restrictions to protestor's rights and the cases that arise on the grounds of these restrictions, as well as examine how the courts interpret the First Amendment and clarify these issues along with defining protestor's constitutional rights. Based upon the Constitutional rights and legitimate restrictions, the thesis will make appropriate recommendations on the limits for both the protestors and the local government.