Mental health, homelessness, addiction, and criminalization are the usual suspects of exclusion. The connection between these factors are often taken for granted, with positivistic accounts of causality making up the bulk of the literature. Using an institutional ethnography framework, this study draws attention to how individuals make sense of their exclusion. In particular, in this research I examine how homeless men and women ‘do’ their mental health status. Exploring themes of responsibilization, exclusion, identity, performativity, hope, and resistance, this research highlights the ways in which homeless individuals use the mental health system and the mental illness identity to contextualize their circumstances and to demonstrate their redeemability. Stemming from thirty-eight interviews with homeless men and women, participant observation, as well as a focus group with professionals and para-professionals I consider how mental illness identities are negotiated and performed among homeless men and women. Specifically, I am interested in how homeless individuals engage with mental health managerialism, given their vulnerable status. I contend that while some individuals resist mental illness discourses to varying degrees, a number of homeless individuals adopt the role of mental health consumer so as to align with the broader consumer society. In so doing, many homeless men and women seek to position themselves as included among the excluded and thus privy to the sense of hope, empowerment, and privileges that follow.

It is commonly contended by the political right that freedom and equality are mutually incompatible values. This ‘incompatibility argument’ can be characterized as positing a trade-off between freedom and equality, such that the more a society realizes of one, the less it is able to realize of the other. Talk of trade-offs between values implies the possibility that they can be subjected to quantitative analysis, and in order to make sense of the trade-off interpretation of the incompatibility argument I identify quantifiable conceptions of freedom and equality. The incompatibility argument invokes negative freedom and equality of outcome. Consequently it is often resisted by endorsement of alternative conceptions of these values like positive freedom or equality of opportunity. Refraining from this strategy, I aim to show that for those committed to both negative freedom and equality of outcome the outlook is not as bleak as the incompatibility argument would seem to suggest. This is because the traditional picture ignores the context in which the trade-off between freedom and equality takes place, namely, the widespread privatization of resources. I argue that in addition to the advertised trade-off between freedom and equality, each of these values also trades off against the extent to which private property rights are enshrined. As above, for trade-offs to take place between private property and other social goals it must be possible to quantify private property, and I seek to show that such quantification can be achieved. If my analysis is successful we will then be faced with three trade-offs: freedom vs. equality, freedom vs. private property, and equality vs. private property. By integrating these three trade-offs into a single three-dimensional model I aim to present a more informative account of the relationships between the three goals. The extent to which freedom and equality trade-off against one another is itself determined in part by the extent to which a society realizes private property. As a result, by curbing or abolishing private property rights more freedom can be secured alongside greater equality.

abstract: Whilst linear mixed models offer a flexible approach to handle data with multiple sources of random variability, the related hypothesis testing for the fixed effects often encounters obstacles when the sample size is small and the underlying distribution for the test statistic is unknown. Consequently, five methods of denominator degrees of freedom approximations (residual, containment, between-within, Satterthwaite, Kenward-Roger) are developed to overcome this problem. This study aims to evaluate the performance of these five methods with a mixed model consisting of random intercept and random slope. Specifically, simulations are conducted to provide insights on the F-statistics, denominator degrees of freedom and p-values each method gives with respect to different settings of the sample structure, the fixed-effect slopes and the missing-data proportion. The simulation results show that the residual method performs the worst in terms of F-statistics and p-values. Also, Satterthwaite and Kenward-Roger methods tend to be more sensitive to the change of designs. The Kenward-Roger method performs the best in terms of F-statistics when the null hypothesis is true. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Statistics 2020

This qualitative case study explored the development and exercise of voice at City Workshop, an anarchist-inspired alternative school for middle and high school students. Drawing from the dialogic tradition, I defined student voice as the complex and varied ways students express understanding, make themselves heard, and exercise agency over their educational experiences. In this study, I sought to move beyond traditional approaches to student voice that frame its meaning in instrumental terms and focus instead on its ontological and political dimensions. Through individual and focus group interviews, participant observations, document analysis, and a grounded theory approach to data analysis, I examined how students at City Workshop exercise their voices and how the educational practices of the school empower student voice. This study’s findings revealed the scope and power of student voice extended far beyond its practical effects. As demonstrated through the study, student voice was embodied in things students said, things they did not say, patterns of listening and dialogue, and even the environment itself. Relatedly, I learned student voice is empowered through dialogic governance and relational pedagogy, practices that invite students to play more meaningful roles as both individuals, learners, and community members. I also found City Workshop empowered voice by encouraging students to engage with issues of equity, power, and justice across a wide variety of settings and contexts, while dismantling barriers that restrict participation and engagement. Finally, the significance of this study lies in the attention it draws to the viability of experimental, dialogic approaches to schooling rooted in anarchist-inspired traditions and committed to broader educational transformation.

Prisonization refers to the idea that prisoners assimilate to prison society, import criminogenic characteristics, and are deprived by prison culture. Post-carceral prisonization is the process by which excarcerated prisoners (EXP) are socialized by features of prisonization that persist after release, and which manifest under probation and parole. Post-carceral prisonization occurs as a result of stigma and discrimination and a lack of access to crucial resources like employment, housing, and prosocial ties. EXPs make a decision to change their lives during or immediately following release from prison or jail, usually accompanied by a spiritual or religious change. EXPs seek to reform identities constructed both by years of incarceration and by their experiences with "prison satellites" which are prisonization agents that emerge after release. Hindered by a loss of social, economic, and material assets, the threat of sudden and unexplainable incarceration, and lifelong criminal stigma, EXPs endeavor to positively reform their identities and their lives. / Ph. D.

This thesis examines the public roles and responsibilities of the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in the period 1922-1994. It does this through a close investigation of four moments in the history of the University, namely the foundation of Wits (1910s and 1920s); early debates about the entry of Black staff and students (1930s and 1940s); the Academic Freedom protests (starting in the mid-1950s) and the formation of the Wits History Workshop (from 1977 to the early 1990s). In each of these moments, social roles and perceptions of public responsibility were actively asserted or challenged through engagements between internal-university constituencies and external communities. The thesis identifies three core roles for Wits University over this period: providing technical and professional training; generating and authenticating expert knowledge and shaping people's ideas of citizenship. The practical and conceptual understandings of these three roles, however, have shifted over time as the University's conceptualisation of the communities it serves has changed. These shifts have happened in conversation with different civic and state actors. The thesis has found that ideas of the public roles of Wits are informed by an institutional sense of self-referential authority accumulated through various moments and practices in the University's history. This self-referential authority depends on a selective recalling of particular events and the ability of multiple narratives about the University's identity to circulate simultaneously. This self-referential authority draws on Wits' origins as an institution of late-Imperial modernity and its legacy as a so-called ‘open' university. Understanding the practices and legacies that have created these narratives through an examination of the University's history, is particularly important in the present moment when the future public responsibilities of South African universities are being vigorously questions and debated.

Le rattachement de la liberté de manifestation à la liberté d’expression, la qualification sociologique de la manifestation comme « expression politique », son exercice par les citoyens depuis plus de deux siècles sont autant de facteurs qui unissent cette liberté à la démocratie. C’est à partir d’une étude théorique puis juridique de la liberté de manifestation, que ce rapport complexe, n’excluant pas le conflit, a été étudié. Comme cette liberté n’a pas d’objet défini, il est apparu nécessaire de s’interroger sur sa fonction (et ses limites) à l’intérieur du « système » de droits des démocraties occidentales, en s’appuyant sur une méthodologie de type interdisciplinaire. Les hypothèses ainsi dégagées ont servi de point d’appui pour une lecture comparée à plusieurs entrées : droits français, allemand et américain, d’une part, droit européen des droits de l’homme de l’autre. Cette comparaison a permis de dégager certaines convergences prévisibles et quelques différences. Celles-ci tiennent surtout aux positions et aux méthodes originales des juges nationaux et européens. La réflexion s’est donc portée sur le rôle des juges dans la réalisation du droit à la liberté de manifestation, ce qui a conduit à dégager un certain nombre d’enseignements de portée générale sur les rapports ente libéralisme et démocratie. / The link between the Freedom of Assembly and the Freedom of Speech, the sociological acceptance of demonstration as a political way to express oneself, the fact it has been put into practice by the citizens for more than two centuries, are as many factors binding this liberty together with the Democracy. This complex connection, occasionally conflicting, has been studied starting from theoretical analysis toward a juridical approach of the freedom of assembly. Since this Freedom has no particular object, it seemed necessary to question ourselves about its functions (and its limits) within the western democracies law system, using an interdisciplinary methodology. The resulting different hypotheses served as a base for a comparative study: French, German and American Law on one side, European Human Rights System on the other side. This comparison led to some predictable points of convergence, and to a few differences. These differences are mainly due to the original stances and methods of the national and European judges. Our reflection was then oriented towards the role of the judges in the achievement of the Freedom of Assembly, from which we have drawn a few lesson of general application about the links between Liberalism and Democracy.

<p>Today's real estate market provides excellent opportunities for the low-level investor to obtain sound properties at below-market values. Through this vehicle, investors can increase their net worth and thereby gain financial freedom. In order to make informed decisions on which properties to buy and how to buy them, the inexperienced investor needs the appropriate knowledge and tools. FREEDOM, the Flexible Real Estate investor's Evaluation and Decision support system with Optimal Methodology, will fill this need.</p> <p> FREEDOM will perform various financial analysis' of properties and will provide numerical evaluations to aid in decision making. From the information produced by these different evaluation options, FREEDOM will output a variety of reports and graphics. Inputs, in the form of current and historical, sale and rental, property listings will be placed into FREEDOM via input panels. FREEDOM will also keep track of the investor's portfolio and will perform various current and prediction net worth analysis.</p> <p> FREEDOM will be a relatively unstructured decision support system designed using conventional system engineering concepts, to include the seven step system development life cycle, modular design. logical subsystems and data flow diagrams. It will be designed for future expandability and flexibility. FREEDOM will encompass all aspects of a traditional system: the human, hardware, software and data. The results of this system will be to provide the low-level investor with a set of tools to increase his knowledge and aid in his decision making.</p> <p> / Master of Science

In previous articles I discussed the ethics of human reproductive cloning, focusing on a possible future scenario in which reproductive cloning can be accomplished without an elevated risk of anomalies to the children who are created. I argued that in such a scenario it would be ethically permissible for infertile couples to use cloning as a way to have genetically related children and that such use should not be prohibited. In 'Reproductive Cloning and a (Kind of) Genetic Fallacy', Neil Levy and Mianna Lotz raise objections to my conclusions. They disagree with the view, for which I argued, that some couples can have defensible reasons for desiring genetically related children. They also offer several new arguments against reproductive cloning, including an argument that it would diminish the number of adoptions, thereby adversely affecting the welfare of children who need to be adopted. In this paper I point out that Levy and Lotz's criticisms misconstrue my arguments and that there are serious problems with their arguments for prohibiting infertile couples from using cloning, including their argument from adoption.

Dissertation presented in the fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of master of arts In the faculty of Arts, Department of History at the University of Zululand. / Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi the leader of KwAZulu government and Inkatha, was amongst other South African homeland leaders. In early 1970s he became the leader of Kwa-Zulu Self-Governing homeland. In 1975 he formed the pseudo-political party that became known as Inkatha Cultural Movement that worked congenially with KwaZulu Government for almost three decades. After the formation of Inkatha, Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi was soon possessed by a strong desire of insatiable power hunger that forced him to part ways with his old comrades of the African National Congress in 1979 after the aborted London Meeting between him and the Oliver Reginald Tambo the leader of the exiled African National Congress. This became a true political turning point that led to a political watershed that was marked by the untold hostility between Inkath/KwaZulu Government and the African National Congress. Buthelezi being well aware of this hostility, then tried all possible means to convince all those that were close to him including the apartheid government that the African National Congress was baying for his blood. This then led to establishment of the covert relationship between him and some of the senior members of both Defence and the Police Force.. He then embarked on making a watertight defence around him that would protect him against any possible attack from the African National Congress. In 1981 he established the KwaZulu Police (KZP) as part of his defence. The KwaZulu Police was said to be a police force that would do the maintenance of law and order but its main aim was to be a para-military force that would defend Inkatha members against its political opponents. As the eighties unfolded he consolidated his relationship with the apartheid government by accepting an offer of having some of 200 members of Inkatha to be taken for training in Namibia in a place known as Caprivi Strip. These people were trained under the guise of becoming the protectors of KwaZulu VIPs but in mere fact they had been trained to kill all anti-Inkatha. They were the referred to as the Caprivi Trainees since they were trained in Caprivi Strip in Namibia. These people had been trained in different ways of killing those who were anti-Inkatha in huge numbers. The likes of Romeo Mbambo, Israel Hlongwane, Gcina Mkhize and many more became Chief Buthelezi’s private army that killed hundreds of the African Nation Congress ad COSATU members. These people made a harrowing admission in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). In the TRC it was where all the violation of civil liberties were heard coming from these people and others. The Caprivi Trainees, KwaZulu Police, Vigilantes and the Warlords were the ones who turned KwaZulu into a political slaughter house in terms of violation of civil liberties of all non-Inkatha people while Inkatha and KwaZulu Government were cheering them up.