This dissertation argues that Hegel’s theory of tragedy is best understood in combination with his theory of the historical progress of subjective freedom, and that this progress is manifested as the heroes of tragic drama in its different stages of antiquity, early modernity, and late modernity. The truth of tragedy for Hegel, like the content of all art, progresses concomitantly with human freedom, reason, and subjectivity. Likewise, humanity’s self-understanding of these aspects of itself also historically progresses. In this light, I further argue that Hegel’s theory shows tragedy to be not only a historically contextualized cultural practice and form of self-understanding but also a presentation of absolute truth: the truth of a culture at a particular historical moment is presented in its tragedy, yet that culture is a part of a larger narrative, so that a common thread running through tragic drama of all eras comes to light when tragedy is examined through the lens of Hegel’s philosophy. Specifically, I show that Hegel views self-contradiction, alienation, and the drive to reconcile these as underlying universal human conditions, and in tragedy this universal truth is embodied in the tragic hero. This appears in tragic heroes as they take responsibility for unintentional actions, or as they remain fixed to their cause although it brings about their own downfall. In consideration of our own historical standpoint and of my agreement with Hegel’s view that tragedy retains an important role in our cultural self-understanding, this dissertation shifts the focus from ancient Greek tragedy, the prevailing theme in Hegel scholarship and in wider discussions of Hegel’s theory of tragedy, and instead directs more attention to modern tragedy. According to Hegel, a key aspect of all tragic heroes is that they either freely will their actions or take responsibility for them, or both. Additionally, as subjective freedom historically progresses, so does our awareness of our freedom to choose our actions or to take responsibility for them. I show how this progress is manifested in ancient, early modern, and late modern tragic heroes—in works by Sophocles, Shakespeare, and Schiller, respectively—and, finally, in the tragic heroes of some contemporary works of film. The historical grounding of my reading of Hegel’s theory of tragedy combined with my focus on the tragic hero lends a unique perspective to our understanding of Hegel’s theories of tragedy and of subjectivity, and to our interpretations of the tragic works themselves. This dissertation thus sheds new light on Hegel’s theory of tragedy, an important endeavor in itself, with the larger aim of showing how Hegel’s philosophy of tragedy helps us better understand both tragedy and ourselves, as inheritors of and participants in philosophical discussions of tragedy, and as contemporary audiences that engage with tragic dramas in a variety of venues. / Philosophy

This dissertation considers the changes the chaplaincy underwent during the period between the Vietnam and Gulf wars. It begins with an exposition of the Protestant history in American understandings of religion, and how this legacy had informed earlier iterations of religious inclusion in the U.S. military and the work of its chaplains. With this history in mind, the dissertation focuses in on a Department of the Army publication, the Military Chaplains’ Review, a professional journal that published essays by active chaplains and civilian academics and professionals from 1972-1992. The dissertation uses the Military Chaplains’ Review to explore the ways these changes were institutionalized in the language and culture of the military chaplaincy. These changes coalesced around the Katcoff v Marsh case (1985) in which the chaplaincy was brought to court with allegations that it violated the constitutional protection of the separation of church and state. This dissertation shows how this case helped solidify the changes the chaplaincy was already undergoing, which included an emphasis on the importance of the religiosity of those in the armed forces as a form of personal spirituality. The case was also part of a larger legal shift in U.S. courts toward an emphasis on the free exercise of religion over the separation of religion from public life. This dissertation makes clear that the Katcoff case crystallizes these changes within the chaplaincy and contributes to this shift in first amendment jurisprudence. / Religion

The purpose of this dissertation is to find the channel capacity in optical fiber communication systems when incoherent detection is used with single (polarization filtering) and two-polarizations (no polarization filtering). Optical fiber systems employ photodetectors that convert optical intensity to electrical current. Bandpass vector fields may be represented by four orthogonal baseband components corresponding to two quadrature phases and two orthogonal polarizations. Intensity is proportional to the sum of the squares of these four components. In the case of a coherent receiver, a strong optical local oscillator (in phase and with same polarization as the signal) is added to the signal prior to the photodetector. This results in the removal of the quadrature phase and polarization components, and reduces to the one degree of freedom (DOF) case of signal plus local oscillator shot noise for which the Shannon channel capacity formula applies. Electrical noise following the photodetector may also be neglected if there is an optical amplifier before the photodetector in the receiver. The amplifier introduces amplified spontaneous emission noise containing both quadrature phase components and both polarizations (4 DOFs), but the 2 DOF case would result if a polarization filter were used. Although the 1 and 2 DOF cases are of less practical interest than the 4 DOF case, they provide useful benchmarks for comparing performance limits. We evaluate both spectral efficiency limits (bps/Hz) in the limit of high and low SNR for the 1,2 and 4 DOF cases and also find the power efficiency (minimum number of photons per bit) for each of these cases. It is shown that for high SNR the spectral efficiency is the same independent of the number of DOFs and that the half-Gaussian distribution is the optimum distribution. We are able to thus obtain a compact equation for spectral efficiency which behaves in a similar way to the Shannon capacity formula but with the SNR scaled by a constant. We also show that for low SNR the half-Gaussian distribution is not the optimum distribution as the slope of the mutual information changes with the square of SNR which would lead to the number of photons per bit becoming infinite in the limit of SNR going to zero. We use a modified half-Gaussian distribution which has a discrete component (an impulse function at the origin) and provide a simple proof that this distribution results in a mutual information that goes to zero linearly with SNR resulting in a minimum number of photons per bit. Furthermore, by increasing the magnitude of the discrete component at the origin, it is shown that the minimum number of photons per bit for the incoherent channel approaches that of the coherent channel. / Ph. D.

Philip Pettit argues that freedom is best defined as non-domination, where domination is understood as subjection to uncontrolled interference. Pettit further argues that government is legitimate when it succeeds in preventing citizens from dominating each other without dominating them in the process, as this allows citizens to enjoy the protection of government without surrendering their freedom. Since Pettit argues that democratic (popular) control over government prevents government from dominating its citizens, Pettit argues that a legitimate, non-dominating state is possible. In this paper I argue that popular control cannot prevent government domination unless one accepts controversial, substantive value judgments about freedom and equality that Pettit claims his theory avoids. / Master of Arts / Philip Pettit argues that freedom is best understood as non-domination. By this, Pettit means that we are free when we have a strong degree of control over our choices and actions. He uses this definition to argue that democracy maintains the freedom of citizens because it means that the actions of government are under the control of citizens. This paper argues, contra Pettit, that citizens lack sufficient individual control over the actions of the government to maintain freedom as Pettit understands it. It further argues that one can only accept that government interference is not freedom reducing if one accepts certain substantive claims about freedom and equality.

No / The 15 essays collected here focus on literary and cultural relations between Germany or Austria on the one hand and the neighbouring countries of eastern and southern Europe on the other, with particular reference to the period since the Wende, but also with a glance back to the period of German division. Topics include the overarching theme of psychological, political, historical and geographical boundaries and the perspective offered by German writers from both East and West on Poland, Russia and neighbouring countries. Equally important to the contributors are specific authors who have crossed national and cultural borders, such as Libu¿e Moníková, Irena Bre¿na, Richard Wagner and Hans Bergel. The role of memory, Vergangenheit, time and space are examined in the context of works by Anna Mitgutsch, W G Sebald, Christoph Ransmayr and Elisabeth Reichart, and the reception of the theories of Pierre Nora in the German-speaking countries. The re-emergence of t! he Right in politics, drama and film forms a further dimension explored in these essays. Neighbours and Strangers will be of interest to students and scholars working on contemporary German and Austrian culture.

This work investigates the use of multi-degree of freedom (MDOF) passive and active vibration absorbers for the control of structural vibration as an improvement to conventional single degree of freedom (SDOF) vibration absorbers. An analytical model is first used to compare passive two degree of freedom (2DOF) absorbers to SDOF absorbers using point impedance as the performance criterion. The results show that one 2DOF absorber can provide the same impedance at two resonance frequencies as two SDOF absorbers for equal amounts of total mass. Experimental testing on a composite cylindrical shell supports the assertion that a 2DOF absorber can attenuate two resonance frequencies. Further modeling shows that MDOF absorbers can utilize the multiple mode shapes that correspond to their multiple resonance frequencies to couple into modes of a distributed primary system to improve the attenuation of structural resonance. By choosing the coupling positions of the MDOF absorber such that its mode shape mirrors that of the primary system, the mass of the absorber can be utilized at multiple resonance frequencies. For limited ranges of targeted resonance frequencies, this technique can result in MDOF absorbers providing attenuation equivalent to SDOF absorbers while using less mass. The advantage gained with the MDOF absorbers is dependent on the primary system. This work compares the advantage gained using the MDOF absorbers for three primary systems: MDOF lumped parameter systems, a pinned-pinned plate, and a cylindrical shell. The active vibration absorber study in this work is highly motivated by the desire to reduce structural vibration in a rocket payload fairing. Since the efficiency of acoustic foam is very poor at low frequencies, the target bandwidth was 50 to 200 Hz. A 2DOF active vibration absorber was desired to exhibit broad resonance characteristics over this frequency band. An analytical model was developed to facilitate the design of the mechanical and electrical properties of the 2DOF active vibration absorber, and is supported by experimental data. Eight active vibration absorbers were then constructed and used in a multiple-input multiple-output (MIMO) feed-forward control system on a mock payload fairing under high level acoustic excitation. The results show significant levels of global attenuation within the targeted frequency band. / Master of Science

Yes / The capability approach (CA), while originally regarded as a ‘thin’ framework relating to an individual’s ‘States’, has been progressively deployed in wider spaces of social welfare and policy development. In general, the CA centralises an individual’s (or group’s) functionings, and the freedom to achieve those functionings. One under-researched area is the expression of capabilities when constraints are imposed hegemonically, that is, when an individual (or group) appears to consent to having their choices limited because of some underlying sociocultural ideology. Hegemonic forces are particularly relevant to the application of the CA against the UN’s sustainable development goals (SDGs); specifically, reduced inequalities (Goal 10) under its 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, since it is generally under large-scale policy regime shifts that sociocultural inequalities are broken and renewed. New, less transparent hegemonies often emerge within policy changes that seek to address inequalities, and they typically embody a mitigating reaction to social risks emanating from policy change. The chapter is fundamentally a theoretical and conceptual paper, approached from an interdisciplinary context, and draws on concepts such as sustainable development, capability approach, and freedom in analysing hegemonic forces with respect to reducing inequalities. / The full-text of this article will be released for public view at the end of the publisher embargo - 18 months after publication.

I en demokrati är yttrandefriheten en grundbult. Men ett demokratiskt samhälle innefattar även religionsfriheten, som skyddar individers eller gruppers rättighet att utöva religion. Religiösa utövare placerar ofta religionen över allt annat och individens frihet att yttra sig uppfattas därmed som sekundärt. Det resulterar ofta i att religion blir måltavla för kränkande yttringar, något som av de religiösa uppfattas som otillåtligt. Den 19 augusti 2007 publicerades Lars Vilks blyertsteckning ”Profeten Muhammed som rondellhund.” Karikatyren spred sig snabbt och extremister placerade Vilks på sin officiella dödslista. Vilks testar gränser och de religiösa reagerar, ett tydligt exempel på den turbulens som kan skapas mellan yttrandefrihet och religionsfrihet. Genom en analys av de argument som förs fram i debatten om Lars Vilks, är vårt syfte att skapa en ökad förståelse för det ambivalenta förhållandet mellan yttrandefrihet och religionsfrihet. Vår frågeställning består av två delar: Vilka är de mest frekventa för- och motargumenten som förs fram i debatten kring Lars Vilks i samband med yttrandefrihet och religionsfrihet? Hur kan vi, genom dessa för- och motargument, skapa förståelse för det ambivalenta förhållandet mellan yttrandefrihet och religionsfrihet? Studien bygger på en argumentationsanalys, som fokuserar på debatten om Lars Vilks i samband med yttrandefrihet och religionsfrihet. Empirin utgörs av 62 åsiktsartiklar, hämtade från tidningarna Dagens Nyheter och Expressen från åren 2007, 2010 samt 2015. För att ha ett påstående att förhålla oss till urskilde vi vår huvudtes: Religion får inte inskränka yttrandefriheten i en demokrati. Utifrån det identifierade vi fyra argument som understödjer tesen: I en demokrati får man kränka religion, Ett demokratiskt samhälle ska inte tystas av hot och rädsla, Yttrandefriheten är grundläggande i en demokrati och Religion måste utmanas för att samhället ska utvecklas, samt två som undergräver tesen: Yttranden om religion bör inte användas omdömeslöst och Yttrandefrihet ska inte utnyttjas i syfte att kränka religion. Anhängarna argumenterar för att alla åsikter får yttras. En vädring av obekväma yttranden anses vara avgörande för det demokratiska samhället. Opponenterna anser att oförnuftiga yttranden leder till ett mer konfliktfyllt samhälle och att de därför bör begränsas. Det ambivalenta förhållandet belyses extra i och med att majoriteten argumenterar för att yttrandefriheten är grundläggande i en demokrati, men att utlåtanden kräver ett personligt ansvar. Det personliga ansvaret är dock subjektivt, och en gränsdragning för vad som bör och inte bör sägas blir svår, framför allt i ett samhälle som känner sig hotat av extremister. För att förstå det ambivalenta förhållandet mellan yttrandefrihet och religionsfrihet är det nödvändigt att begripa konflikten mellan de legala rättigheterna och de moraliska förpliktelserna.

The objective of this research was to contribute to the discussion about LGBT-rights in Swedish politics. Some previous findings suggested that one political party in particular, the Swedish Democrats, had an opposing stance towards LGBT-persons. To investigate this, the first research question aimed to find out if there are in fact any notable differences between the different parties in the Swedish parliament in this regard. The second research question was designed in order to examine all related opinions of the parties in the light of positive and negative freedom. The third research question aimed to find out how the attitudes from the political parties could be understood within a perspective of tolerance. The analytical framework is based on the concept of tolerance, and the concepts of positive and negative freedom which were originally developed by Isiah Berlin. The study is a qualitative text-analysis with an abductive approach. Argumentation analysis has been applied when suitable. The study found that the Swedish Democrats was the most restrictive party in this context. Moreover, the studied policies were found to have characteristics of both negative and positive freedom, and they were generally approved upon by the political parties. Lastly, the Swedish Democrats and the Christian Democrats were argued to be tolerant towards these LGBT-policies, even though the policies were mostly disliked due to moral clashes against their core family values.

Democratization has been studied by several scholars, who have argued about significance of various factors for democratization of a certain country. One of these scholars was Seymour Martin Lipset and he claimed that there is a linear correlation between democracy and socioeconomic development. Thus, the aim of this study is to test Lipset’s hypothesis in the case of Azerbaijan, which is an oil rich authoritarian country. The study was conducted with the help of mixed analysis methods (i.e. combination of qualitative and quantitative methods) and a case study research design.  To measure socioeconomic development’s impact on democratization of Azerbaijan, some socioeconomic indicators were chosen in this study, such as economic growth, income inequality, poverty and unemployment rates in the country. Results of the empirical data analysis showed that, socioeconomic development has a positive correlation with democratization and therefore, Lipset’s hypothesis is plausible in the case of Azerbaijan. In addition, socioeconomic development has a great impact on democratization of the country, i.e. of Azerbaijan. / Demokratisering är ett ämne som har studerats av flera forskare under flera år. Några av dessa forskare har hävdat att det finns diverse faktorer som kan ha inverkan på demokratiseringen av ett land. En av dessa forskare var Seymour Martin Lipset, som hävdade att det finns en positiv korrelation mellan demokrati och socioekonomisk utveckling. Därmed, syftet med denna studie är att testa Lipsets hypotes om socioekonomiska utvecklingens samband med demokratin på fallet av Azerbajdzjan. Azerbajdzjan är ett oljerik autoritär land som har upplevt hög ekonomisk tillväxt.  Studien har genomförts med hjälp av blandade analysmetoder (dvs. kombinationen av kvalitativ och kvantitativ analysmetod) och en fallstudie forskningsdesign. För att genomföra studien, några socioekonomisk utveckling indikatorer har valts, såsom ekonomiskt tillväxt, inkomstskillnader, fattigdoms- och arbetslöshetsnivån i landet. Resultatet av det empiriska data analysen visade att, Lipsets hypotes stämmer i fallet av Azerbajdzjan och det finns ett positivt samband mellan demokratisering och socioekonomisk utveckling. Därmed, socioekonomisk utveckling har en stor inverkan på demokratiseringen av landet, dvs. av Azerbajdzjan.