Ao longo da história da filosofia, John Locke tem sido frequentemente apresentado sob o rótulo de pai do liberalismo, o que decorre, invariavelmente, de um modo peculiar de interpretação da noção de liberdade para o filósofo, que estaria estruturada em torno da ideia de não-interferência. Derivada frequentemente de propostas analíticas realizadas em um vácuo histórico, em que as ideias de Locke são tomadas como uma estática coleção, tal conclusão expressa uma perspectiva que não considera o caráter essencialmente discursivo da filosofia política e o campo problemático em que os conceitos foram pensados pelo filósofo. Se tomarmos a obra de Locke a partir de um campo mais abrangente, constituído por diferentes atos de discurso, em que sejam considerados as condições e o contexto em que os elementos textuais foram enunciados, recuperando-se o aspecto polêmico do texto, pode ser evidenciado um traço marcadamente republicano no conceito de liberdade formulado pelo autor. Partindo da perspectiva de John Pocock acerca do processo de formação do republicanismo inglês, segundo a qual as matrizes republicanas foram recebidas na Inglaterra a partir do século XVI, desencadeando um longo processo de anglicização da república, no qual diferentes momentos podem ser identificados, e tomando como pressuposto a ideia de dupla filiação do conceito moderno de liberdade, proposta por Jean-Fabien Spitz, o propósito deste trabalho é colher os elementos que apontam em que medida a noção de liberdade defendida por Locke em sua obra política pode ser considerada tributária dos argumentos desenvolvidos nos momentos precedentes em que se expressou o pensamento republicano na Inglaterra, o que permitiria incluí-la como referência de um importante ato do longo discurso que culminou na formulação do conceito republicano de liberdade. / Throughout the history of philosophy, John Locke has often been presented under the label of \"father of liberalism,\" which invariably follows from a peculiar way of interpreting his concept of freedom, as structured around the idea of non-interference. Coming from analytical proposals often elaborated in a \"historical vacuum\", in which Locke\'s ideas are taken as a static collection, such a conclusion expresses a perspective that does not consider the essentially discursive character of political philosophy and the \"problematic field\" in which some concepts were thought by the philosopher. On the other hand, if we take Locke\'s work from a broader field, made up of different \"acts of discourse,\" taking into account the conditions and contexts in which the textual elements were enunciated, and recovering the controversial aspect of the text, we can reveal a republican feature in the concept of liberty formulated by the author. Starting from John Pocock\'s perspective about the English republicanism, according to which republican matrices were received in England from the sixteenth century, triggering a long process of \"anglicization of the republic,\" in which different \"moments\" can be identified, and considering the idea of double affiliation of the modern concept of freedom, proposed by Jean-Fabien Spitz, the purpose of this work is to gather the elements that indicate to what extent the notion of freedom defended by Locke in his political work can be considered tributary of the arguments developed in the previous \"moments\" in which the republican thought in England was expressed, which would allow to include it as reference of an important \"act\" of the long discourse that culminated in the republican concept of liberty.

FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgico / A presente pesquisa à uma anÃlise, à luz da filosofia de Schopenhauer, da problemÃtica tradicional acerca do livre-arbÃtrio, ou liberdade de indiferenÃa, termo mais utilizado por Schopenhauer. Trata-se de investigar atà que ponto se pode falar de uma liberdade dos atos particulares e como esta suposta liberdade poderia ser conciliada com a necessidade causal do mundo fÃsico. Para tanto à preciso refazer o percurso realizado por Schopenhauer na sua investigaÃÃo Ãtico-metafÃsica acerca da liberdade. Por outro lado, à extremamente importante extrairmos as consequÃncias existenciais surgidas da sua resposta negativa acerca da liberdade moral, ou seja, à preciso tambÃm entendermos de que modo a liberdade, ou a sua ausÃncia, estÃo relacionadas ao sofrimento e o quanto este faz parte da vida. O percurso feito no presente trabalho inicia-se com a exposiÃÃo dos pressupostos e conceitos fundamentais da filosofia de Schopenhauer, mais especificamente no que se refere à sua teoria do conhecimento e à sua filosofia da natureza. Segue-se uma abordagem acerca do problema da liberdade a partir do ponto de vista Ãtico-metafÃsico, baseado fundamentalmente na obra principal de Schopenhauer, O mundo como vontade e como representaÃÃo, mais precisamente o quarto livro. Num Ãltimo momento abordaremos a problemÃtica a partir de um ponto de vista empÃrico, tendo como texto base os Aforismos para a sabedoria de vida, textos que compÃem a obra Parerga e Paralipomena, considerados por Schopenhauer como escritos menores, por serem textos que se situam exteriormente à perspectiva mais elevada, a Ãtico-metafÃsica.

nÃo hà / O presente trabalho objetiva compreender, a partir da dinÃmica entre Estados-NaÃÃo apresentada por Hegel (entendida hoje, em conjunto, por relaÃÃes internacionais), como pode ser entendida a guerra na teoria hegeliana de Estado como proposta para resoluÃÃo de impasses relacionados a questÃes que envolvam a soberania das naÃÃes. Em nÃvel mais especÃfico, empreende-se a tentativa de explicar, no mÃtodo dialÃtico de Hegel, como a violÃncia (e suas contingÃncias correlatas) segue acompanhada da efetivaÃÃo da liberdade no mundo, e como esta mesma violÃncia, associada à vontade livre, à utilizada pelos Estados como ferramenta de gerenciamento polÃtico. O texto hegeliano (na Fenomenologia do EspÃrito e, sobretudo, na Filosofia do Direito) demonstra que o Estado aparece como realizador pleno da liberdade humana, uma vez que se torna instrumento mediador de resoluÃÃo de tensÃes entre as vontades individuais, sempre pautado no Ãtico, no que seja melhor para a coletividade. Apesar de o ente estatal ocupar-se de questÃes que dizem respeito à sua conservaÃÃo, ele partilha o mundo com outros Estados, relacionando-se com eles. O presente trabalho, a partir de uma exegese do texto hegeliano, encontra passagens que indicam que a questÃo da guerra nÃo apenas reside somente no agir polÃtico do Estado, mas tambÃm consideram a chave ontolÃgica ao tomar o recorte dos conceitos âliberdadeâ e âvontadeâ para elucidar as causas do conflito. Tal assertiva ser referenda na compreensÃo, dentro do Direito Estatal Externo, do que seja diferenciaÃÃo entre Estados, pressuposto da individualidade jurÃdica e existencial de uma naÃÃo que, ontologicamente necessÃria, tambÃm provocaria inevitavelmente as tensÃes. Outrossim, o presente trabalho aborda a possibilidade de as esferas âMoralidadeâ e âReligiÃoâ, associados ao conceito de âConstituiÃÃoâ, presentes nas descriÃÃes polÃticas e antropolÃgico-metafÃsicas de Hegel e nas quais um senso de comunidade e uniÃo, bem como o discernimento do certo e do errado, independentemente de instituiÃÃes, pode indicar uma resoluÃÃo sobre o impasse da coexistÃncia entre guerra e liberdade. / This work aims to understand, from dynamic between Nation-States introduced by Hegel ideas (which is nowadays understood, en bloc, as âInternational Relationsâ), the role of war within the Hegelian Theory of State as proposal for conflict related to sovereignty issues among States. In a particular level, this handwork attempts to explain, using Hegelâs dialectical method, how violence (and its related contingences) joins the realization of the freedom in the material world, and how this same violence, which belongs together to the free will, is used by States as tool of political management. The dialectical thinking of Hegelian (found in Phenomonology of Spirit and mainly in Philosophy of Right) indicates that State appears to be the major maker of human freedom, since it is the mediator tool of resolution of conflicts between individual wills, always based on ethical values and on what is better for a community. This work, using the exegesis of the Hegelian handworks, finds passages and text parts that point to the issue of war is not just a matter of State policy, but takes into account the ontological key when the definitions âfreedomâ and âwillâ are suggested to clarify the conflict causes. This statement is based on the comprehension, within External State Law, of what is the distinction between States, assumption of the juridical and existential individuality of a nation which would provoke inevitably tensions as well. However, the present work approaches the possibility of statements âMoralityâ, âReligionâ and the concept of âConstitutionâ, which are found in Hegelâs method, by the sense of community and perception of right and wrong, regardless of juridico-political institutions, may indicate the elucidation about the impasse of the coexistence between war and freedom.

This paper examines the potential causal link between press freedom and the quality of whistleblower-protection, namely the quality of the legislation designed to protect whistleblowers, and it does this with an intensive case study of Botswana and South Africa. In order to isolate the causal chain the paper controls for democracy, economic development, dependence on aid, Internet access, natural resources and state transparency. The results show that there is a correlation between press freedom and protection of whistleblowers, however the causal link could not be isolated thus inviting for further research into the relationship. The paper contributes to the field of political science by providing insights into the largely under-researched relationship between press freedom and protection of whistleblowers.

Cette thèse propose une lecture de la création de Camus sous l’angle démocratique et antitotalitaire pour démontrer l’aspect innovant de sa pensée qui est plus que jamais d’actualité. Cent ans après la naissance de l’écrivain prix Nobel de littérature, son œuvre ouvre de nouveaux axes de réflexion à mi-chemin entre la philosophie, la science-politique et la littérature. Après une introduction générale aux concepts de totalitarisme et de démocratie, nous passerons plus spécifiquement à l’étude de l’auteur. Nous esquisserons un portrait de Camus en tant que journaliste engagé dans les batailles de son temps et nous aborderons une analyse comparative entre Camus et les intellectuels ou penseurs qui ont influencé sa pensée démocratique et inspiré sa réflexion sur les totalitarismes. Ensuite, nous focaliserons l’analyse sur certaines œuvres : les essais journalistiques (Actuelles I, II, III) et philosophiques (L’Homme révolté) ; les œuvres de fiction, comme La Peste, ainsi que trois pièces de théâtre Caligula, Les Justes et L’État de siège. En nous basant sur ce choix d’œuvres, nous examineront la technique adoptée par Camus pour transférer dans la fiction le débat démocratique contre les totalitarismes de son époque. Enfin, nous étudierons du point de vue lexicologique les termes de totalitarisme et démocratie, ainsi que tous leurs synonymes entrant dans le champ sémantique du débat antitotalitaire. / This thesis proposes a reading of Camus’ creation from the democratic and antitotalitarian perspective in order to demonstrate the innovative aspect of his thought, which is more actual than ever. One hundred years after the birth of the writer, Nobel Prize for literature, his work opens up new lines of thought halfway between philosophy, science, politics and literature. After a general introduction to the concepts of totalitarianism and democracy, we will proceed to the more specifically study of the author. We sketch a portrait of Camus as a committed journalist in the battles of his time and we will discuss a comparative analysis between Camus and intellectuals and thinkers who influenced his democratic thought and inspired his thinking on totalitarianism. Then, we will focus the analysis on certain works : journalistic (Actuelles I, II, III ) and philosophical essays (The Rebel), fictional works, such as The Plague, and three plays Caligula, The Just Assassins and The State of siege. Based on this selection of works, we will examine the technique adopted by Camus to transfer into the fictional the democratic debate against the totalitarianism of his era. Finally, we will study from a lexicological point of view the terms of totalitarianism and democracy, and all their synonyms within the semantic field of anti-totalitarian debate.

The purpose of this mini-dissertation is to determine whether and to what extent contractual freedom are infringed and/or obviated by the Consumer Protection Act and to establish if the limitation created by the CPA is the answer to the problem of inequality of bargaining powers of contracting parties. A fundamental concept of law of contract is freedom of contract: the idea that the parties are free to decide whether or not to contract; with whom to contract; and on what terms to contract. Despite the fact that freedom of contract is deeply engrained in our society it has a rather shaky foundation based on multiple assumptions and when objectively viewed the truth is that when making a contract there is always social and economical pressure that is implied in negotiating each and every contract. Having regard to the above it can be said that realistically speaking the fundamental concept of equality in the bargaining powers of contacting parties is the exception rather than the rule and that this unequal position has without a doubt undermined the true notion of freedom of contract. Our Common law has developed many rules and principles to curb this unfairness in the making of contracts. The CPA has praiseworthy intentions such as the promotion of fair business practice and the protection of the vulnerable from exploitation and unsafe and hazardous goods and/or products. Despite the good intentions of the CPA and every other aspect that might have an influence the problem remains enforcement of these principles. Thus despite the infringement of contractual freedom by the regulations of the CPA it appears not to be the answer to the problem of inequality in the bargaining power of parties negotiating a contract. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2014. / lmchunu2014 / Mercantile Law / unrestricted

Magister Legum - LLM / Over the past decades, transitions from repressive rule to democracy have increased all over the world, aiming at establishing disclosure and accountability for the crimes perpetrated. One way of assessing the “solidity” of these new democracies is to look at their provisions on freedom of expression, one of the most precious and fragile rights of man. The right to freedom of expression was recognised by classical traditional liberal theory as from the eighteenth century. It considered it as a useful tool to enhance true statements within the marketplace of ideas. Liberals also believed that such right was a prerequisite for individual autonomy and self-fulfillment. They claimed that it strengthened democracy, by allowing individuals to receive all information on issues of public concern which they needed to vote intelligently. Lastly, they argued that it promoted the ideal of tolerance. Since then, the right to freedom of expression has been considered a cornerstone of democracy and protected as such by international instruments among which the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966, the African Charter for Human and Peoples' Rights of 1981 and the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of 1950. / South Africa

Humans' capacity to attain knowledge is central to Spinoza's philosophy because, in part, knowing things enables humans to deal properly with their affects. But it is not just any sort of knowledge that humans should attain. There are different types of knowledge, but only two of them–rational and intuitive knowledge–enable humans who attain them to know things clearly. Because rational knowledge attends to universals whereas intuitive knowledge attends to particulars, intuitive knowledge is better than rational knowledge at enabling humans to deal with their affects. Most scholars recognize both the importance of knowledge to humans' dealing with their affects and the superiority of intuitive knowledge at enabling them to do this. But these points are particularly relevant to the affect that Spinoza calls "tristitia," which is usually translated as either "pain" or "sadness." I argue in this dissertation that attaining knowledge– especially intuitive knowledge–enables humans to deal properly with their experiences of pain. This ability that humans acquire by knowing things is what I call "active suffering." A person suffers passively when she merely reacts to her pain, in this way allowing an external force to control her. She suffers actively when she uses knowledge to respond to her pain, in this way being in control of herself. This knowledge she uses to deal actively with her pain bears a relation to Spinoza's theory of freedom, since it entails a realization that all events (such as a person's experience of pain) happen necessarily and that embracing this necessity is the same as being free.

En France et au Canada, la liberté de religion constitue une liberté de premier rang protégée par de nombreux textes. Si la France a inscrit dans sa Constitution le principe de laïcité de la République, en revanche, au Canada le droit constitutionnel ne le reconnaît pas mais l'Etat canadien repose en matière religieuse sur le principe de neutralité. Le travail de thèse consistera à comparer notamment les décisions françaises et canadiennes afin de distinguer le raisonnement qui sous-tend chaque approche et ainsi mieux comprendre leur fonctionnement en particulier en ce qui concerne les principes de neutralité (Canada) et de laïcité (France) et leurs conséquences quant à la gestion juridique des revendications religieuses. / In France and in Canada, freedom of religious beliefs constitutes a freedom of first rank protected by many texts. If France registered in its Constitution the principle of secularity of the Republic, on the other hand, in Canada the constitutional law does not recognize it but the Canadian State rests out of religious matter on the principle of neutrality. The work of thesis will consist in comparing the French and Canadian decisions in particular in order to distinguish the reasoning which underlies each approach and to thus better understand their operation in particular with regard to the principles of neutrality (Canada and of secularity France) and their consequences on the legal management of the religious claims.

This thesis is an attempt to examine interpretations of the May-June Hundred Flowers Movement in China in 1957 through the examination of a principal participant among businessmen: Chang Nai-ch'i. The Hundred Flowers Movement is comprised of a series of violent outbursts and extreme statements. The May-June Hundred Flowers Movement was the last act in what might be termed China's Hundred Flowers Period, a period of intellectual liberation concurrent with the "Liberalization" in the Soviet Union. China, like many other socialist states, is a closed society from which information is often difficult to gather. The criticism, as printed in Chinese newspapers and journals, provides detailed information on factional struggles and organizational difficulties found within the Chinese government. The criticism, though often bountiful in number, is short, emotional and takes the form of a vignette. The existence of a source of official criticisms against Chang Nai-ch'i allows for the examination of the actions of a leading Hundred Flowers participant both prior to, and during the Movement. The method used to examine, compile and evaluate criticisms of Chang Nai-ch'i is the frequency chart in which quantitative examination is made of various critics' statements, and the duration of these statements. Through the use of this technique, over forty criticisms of Chang Nai-ch'i found in two Chinese language businessmen's journals are ordered, placed into chronological sequence and evaluated. These criticisms are then examined against existing information, and in particular, Chinese journal and newspaper accounts to examine their significance and validity. The thesis is divided into three chapters examining three chronological groups of criticisms. The first chapter examines criticisms referring to Chang's past (1927-1951), the second examines criticisms of events immediately prior to the Hundred Flowers Movement (1952-1956) and the third examines criticisms pertaining directly to the Hundred Flowers Movement. Existing interpretations of the Hundred Flowers Movement stress the spontaneity of the Movement, the importance of factional differences within the Chinese leadership, and the importance of the emergence of "disturbances" beyond the expectations of the Chinese leadership. An examination of the criticisms of Chang Nai-Ch'i suggests that the Hundred Flowers Movement was not in any sense spontaneous, and that the "disturbances" which led to an about-face by the Chinese leadership, may have been a product of weaknesses within the Chinese political process, weaknesses that were both factional and historical in nature. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate