In the light of the interest in transnationalism and other relevant anthropological theories, this thesis reflects on the study of China and contributes to the theoretical discussion and ethnography of China, from the perspectives of qiaoxiang and transnationlism. / Nevertheless, the local peoples' experience with the Chinese Overseas has great impact on shaping their attitudes. There is the spirit of continuing to better their livelihood, and this has encouraged many people in qiaoxiang to continue to emigrate to other countries, establishing a new transnational network in the context of globalization and global market economy, beyond the traditional network of the Chinese Overseas. / Qiaoxiang refers to the ancestral hometown of the Chinese Overseas. Since a century ago, the coastal regions in Fujian and Guangdong have become well-known qiaoxiang. In the beginning, migrants went abroad to make a living, sojourning between the places of residence overseas and hometowns in China. Thus, a transnational network of family ties gradually came into being. People in qiaoxiang usually relied much on their clansmen abroad in aspects ranging from financial support to decisions in local affairs. Due to the influence of the Chinese Overseas, social changes took place in qiaoxiang, and these promoted development in the surrounding areas too. / There are two major foci in this research. One involves vertical analysis of history, explaining how qiaoxiang came into being and how it developed. The other focus is on transnationalism of space, demonstrating the transformation of the transnational network from both the point of view of the Chinese Overseas and the local villagers in China. In this way, I studied the transformation of family structure in Shudou Village, the contributions of the Chinese Overseas to education, public health and medical treatment in qiaoxiang, the dynamics of local organization and local politics, and the economic development of qiaoxiang. The study shows that nowadays people in qiaoxiang no longer rely on financial support from their clansmen abroad. In village affairs, decisions are generally made by the local organizations independent of the Chinese Overseas. Thus qiaoxiang has become increasingly independent. / With the passage of time and changes in national politics, the national identification of Chinese Overseas has changed too. What has happened to the traditional network among the Chinese Overseas? What effect does it have on qiaoxiang? Taking Shudou, a village in Fujian, as an example, this dissertation discusses the transformation of transnational network among Chinese overseas as well as the roles of qiaoxiang in this network, by investigating the relations between the local villagers and their clansmen in Indonesia. / 丁毓玲. / Adviser: Chee Beng Tan. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-09, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong,2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 198-207). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Ding Yuling.

黃小蓉. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 411-430) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Huang Xiaorong.

明代礦業是中國礦業發展興衰成敗的關鍵期，在物質文化、商品經濟帶動下，此時各界都對工業原料的獲取感到興趣，明代官方與民間也不例外，官方政策無論是封禁或鼓勵開採，著眼點都是在確保「普天之下莫非王土」的礦利之權；而民間開採風氣亦屢禁不絕，亦即官民均在坑冶中進行活動，形同「坑冶競利」的較勁現象。 明代礦政發展可分三期觀察：(1)明初洪武至宣德年間(1368-1435)是明代礦業穩定發展期。朱元璋立國主張謹慎發展銅鐵開採事業，嚴禁金銀等貴重金屬的開採，但繼任者明成祖朱棣則支持開採弛禁，積極推動開礦事業，因此明代放寬對鐵冶開採的限制，不過對於金銀等貴重金屬開採則出現爭論，時開時禁，反倒成為明代礦業政策中最為鮮明的特色。(2)明正統至萬曆年間(1436-1620)是礦法與礦課調整時期。自明英宗朱祈鎮即位後，政府嚴格加強礦政管理，發布禁約，犯者即調軍剿捕，直到萬曆朝中期，官方還陸續針對《大明律》所欠缺的礦法，修改金銀銅錫等礦法條例細則，以因應社會的變遷。為求開礦增課，官方對於民間的非法採冶活動作了讓步，並改變明初定額課徵的規定，實施官三民七或官四民六的抽分制。但因皇室財政相當倚重礦銀收入，部分地區被強制改採官民對半抽分制，或實施「包派」、「包砂」、「包課」等名目不一的礦稅制度，弊端層出不窮，反而得不償失。(3)明天啟至崇禎年間(1621-1644)是封礦與開採弛禁時期。受到萬曆朝礦稅使事件影響，後來朝野各界均不主張開礦，但晚明財政的危機、邊鎮軍餉匱乏，急需鑄造錢幣礦料等因素，促使朝廷逐漸放寬採礦禁令，進而同意各地擴大開採貴重礦物，並翻譯頒布《坤輿格致》等礦書。 帶給明代礦政最致命的傷害，莫過於「礦盜」的活躍。自明初起，有關當局欲傾全力去圍堵防範，可是官方以暴制暴的鎮壓方式，反倒促成葉宗留等礦徒公開稱王造反，成為明代最為眾人所知的礦盜事件。為了穩定礦區生產與秩序，中央曾特派戶部官員、內臣與錦衣衛特使，以及巡按監察御史等專人留駐礦區監督；地方則派有按察僉事、副使、布政使參議等巡視礦場官員；軍事層級上又派任都指揮僉事管理礦區治安，並在礦場附近留有衛所、民兵戍守。 採礦所得誘惑甚高，礦冶業的蓬勃，多少也衝擊到地方社會的常態秩序。明代中期以後，原在浙江、福建交界等地活動的礦徒，逐漸轉往南直隸、浙江、江西交界等地發展；也有一些江西、福建等地的流民，因人口壓力下的生存競爭，陸續進入福建、江西、廣東交界，在粵東山區內進行季節性的採冶工作，形成獨特的地域社會。由於礦徒事件與倡亂區域明顯擴大，官方遂將地方礦政事權漸歸督撫來統籌管理，嚴格執行禁令，並且還特設總督處理浙直江西軍務事，以統攝三省礦防軍兵，清查轄區所有的礦場地點，以阻絕礦徒的活動。 另一方面，礦防兵力主要是借重地方民兵，甚至還招撫礦徒入營效力，但這項招募礦兵、採行招撫的作法，也帶給地方社會負面的影響。在浙江義烏，地方十室九空，成為地方上的一大隱憂。在廣東惠州地區，招撫未能得宜，礦徒事件有增無減，顛覆日常的社會秩序，地方士民不滿官方政策，激發民間的地域認同，出現了類似《定氛外史》等關心地域的作品，進而強烈抵制官府地方行政區劃的變動。 明代的礦徒問題，始終未能妥善解決，地方社會自然不願配合政府的開礦政策。明代官民在坑冶間相互競利，卻兩敗俱傷，沒有一方是嬴家。礦務執行的爭議、開礦引發的恐慌、礦徒倡亂事件的不絕，最終都讓明代礦政畫下了休止符。

陳麗媚. / "2004年6月". / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2004. / 參考文獻 (leaves 176-182). / 附中英文摘要. / "2004 nian 6 yue". / Chen Limei. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2004. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 176-182). / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Chapter 第一章´Ø --- 緒論 --- p.1-11 / Chapter 第二章´Ø --- 十七世紀中葉的福建 --- p.12-43 / Chapter (一) --- 天主教的發展 --- p.12 / Chapter (二) --- 政治、經濟及社會狀況 --- p.17 / Chapter (三) --- 福建的信徒群體 --- p.22 / Chapter (四) --- 小結 --- p.42 / Chapter 第三章´Ø --- 《口鐸日抄》的內容分析 --- p.44-100 / Chapter (一) --- 基督徒身份：〈凡例〉與翁允鑑之例 --- p.44 / Chapter (二) --- 儀式和紀念日 --- p.48 / Chapter (三) --- 對話的性質 --- p.56 / Chapter (1) --- 教友的問題 --- p.56 / Chapter (i) --- 異能 --- p.59 / Chapter (ii) --- 科學 --- p.60 / Chapter (iii) --- 西學 --- p.62 / Chapter (iv) --- 信徒群體 --- p.62 / Chapter (v) --- 教義 --- p.64 / Chapter (vi) --- 修練 --- p.65 / Chapter (vii) --- 社會問題/現象 --- p.66 / Chapter (viii) --- 天堂/地獄/靈魂 --- p.68 / Chapter (ix) --- 其他宗教 --- p.70 / Chapter (2) --- 非教徒的問題 --- p.72 / Chapter (3) --- 傳教士對教友的訓言 --- p.78 / Chapter (i) --- 修練 --- p.80 / Chapter (ii) --- 教義 --- p.85 / Chapter (iii) --- 信徒群體 --- p.88 / Chapter (4) --- 修練的難題 --- p.91 / Chapter (四) --- 小結 --- p.97 / Chapter 第四章´Ø --- 《西海艾先生語錄》對《口鐸日抄》的特別修改 --- p.101-123 / Chapter (一) --- 貧窮 --- p.102 / Chapter (二) --- 佛教 --- p.108 / Chapter (三) --- 中國其他官方/民間信仰 --- p.113 / Chapter (四) --- 小結 --- p.122 / Chapter 第五章´Ø --- 《西海艾先生語錄》對《三山論學記》的特別修改 --- p.124-150 / Chapter (一) --- 善 惡 --- p.127 / Chapter (二) --- 佛 教 --- p.137 / Chapter (三) --- 創 造 --- p.141 / Chapter (四) --- 天主降生 --- p.143 / Chapter (五) --- 小結 --- p.149 / Chapter 第六章´Ø --- 結論 --- p.151-159 / 附錄 --- p.160-175 / 附表：福建信徒群體史源表 --- p.160 / 附圖一：福建傳教事業的發展(1621-1650) --- p.168 / 附圖二：明萬歷至崇禎年間泉州出土的十字架樣式 --- p.171 / 附圖三：聖神降臨 --- p.172 / 附圖四：貧善富惡生時異景 --- p.173 / 附圖五：貧善富惡死後殊報 --- p.174 / 附圖六：天主末曰的審判 --- p.175 / 參考書目 --- p.176-182