The research followed up a local development initiative in Maracaibo, Venezuela, named Programa Promoción de la Ciudadanía Plena (Promotion of Full Citizenship Program), a joint initiative that has sought to bring the population of low-income communities to the sphere of citizen participation with a revaluation of citizenship and the promotion of participation. The research included first, a preliminary bibliographical review of the theoretical framework to understand the significance of citizenship and participation at the community level and the implications of organizational development and self-improvement approaches in development projects and institutions, and second, the review of the principles of the local program and the social-economic data of the four communities considered in the study. The results of a preliminary survey (secondary data provided by the municipality) of adult heads of household from the four communities, who openly expressed to the institutions their interest in participating and benefiting from the program, and the passive observation of local meetings and workshops in the communities contributed to the analysis. A series of open-ended interviews to facilitators (3 individuals) were conducted in 2006 in order to assess the facilitator's identification with the program's objectives and the possible bond between the learning assumptions and their personal experiences while working in these communities. That same year, a final series of open-ended interviews to a sample group of 39 beneficiaries (30% of the group that successfully completed the citizenship and technical education), provided the input to assess the impact of the program in the motivation of people toward participation and self-improvement. In these events, information was extracted, which contributed to the evaluation of people's expectations and attitudes, as they differed or not from the initial condition. A methodological guideline, in the form of field notes and questionnaires, was needed to address and manage conversation and dialogue. Following an interpretive and constructivist approach, evidence was inferred from the logic of the narratives gathered in meetings and interviews, and a coded frequency of responses. Findings suggest that the initiative strengthened local people's empowerment by involving them in the collaborative identification of problems and issues affecting their lives, in all activities planned to tie the relationship among stakeholders, and in every recognition and public ceremony. People's improvement depended on economic growth, but it was necessary that beneficiaries develop and exercise their capacities, abilities, knowledge, information and motivation, which were necessary conditions to improve the quality of life of local residents, and consequently, to strengthen the local social capital. Project agents did it with a respectful dialogue in the decision-making concerning the design and construction proposal, and recognizing people's own capacities, which assured collaboration and feedback. People did not participate unless they believed that an interest or individual benefit was possible; and for them, the immediate interest was economic. People associated changes to the following values --from high to low frequency of response: being more confident, reaching mutual support, improving communication, strengthening unity, consciousness, and achieving better social relations. Empowerment of the individual as head of household was strengthened by his or her involvement in the collaborative identification of household limitations and housing-related issues. Nevertheless, beyond the individual and household levels, the success of the educational strategy was not sufficiently effective to reach changes on people's attitude and motivation to confront and interact in the solution of community-related issues, but the increase of 6 percent in this indicator indicated that change was possible but required the sustainability of the educational approach in the communities. By the time the field research ended, a perceivable empowerment and partnership approach, with all the complex administrative and intellectual assumptions, guided Ciudadanía Plena toward its set goals. The attention and dedication in the four barrios were based on the need to materialize an ideal that was expected to expand in order to reach more communities in the near future. The transparency, the material incentive and the citizenship education to achieve self-improvement and empowerment were key elements to achieve change and improvement. / text

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-03-15T13:33:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Jackson Passos Santos.pdf: 3773173 bytes, checksum: 98bc5b7ef39cd7f735ca0c2611ccf967 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-15T13:33:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jackson Passos Santos.pdf: 3773173 bytes, checksum: 98bc5b7ef39cd7f735ca0c2611ccf967 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-21 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / The legal reserve instituted by article 93 of Law 8.213 / 91, imposes itself as affirmative action, in manifest positive discrimination required, vector for the effectiveness of the material equality provided for in the Federal Constitution of 1988. From the premise that this social function is effective with the enjoyment of full citizenship - which is embodied in the right to work, under the mantle of the human dignity of persons and with equal opportunities, without distinction between disabled people and other people in society - a bibliographic, legislative analysis and jurisprudence, on the subject. The legal protection of the work of disabled people is observed, considering the legislation inserted in the context of the constitutional order, the International Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and the Persons with Disabilities Statute. The control instruments used by the State are then focused on the verification of compliance with quotas, as defined in the specific regulations, leading to a reflection on the annulment of the infraction notices drawn up, as well as on decisions rendered in degree of appeal by the Superior Labor Court, combining the effects of these instruments and decisions with statistical data presented by state bodies to infer the possibility of changes in the legal command of the quota system aiming at the effectiveness of its social function / A reserva legal instituída pelo artigo 93 da Lei 8.213/91, se impõe como ação afirmativa, em manifesta discriminação positiva cogente, vetor para a efetividade da igualdade material prevista na Constituição Federal de 1988. A partir da premissa de que essa função social se efetiva com a fruição da cidadania plena – que é consubstanciada no direito ao trabalho, sob o manto da dignidade da pessoa humana e com igualdade de oportunidades, sem distinção entre as pessoas com deficiência e as demais pessoas da sociedade – faz-se uma análise bibliográfica, legislativa e jurisprudencial acerca da temática. Observa-se a proteção legal ao trabalho das pessoas com deficiência, considerando a legislação inserida no contexto da ordem constitucional, da Convenção Internacional dos Direitos das Pessoas com Deficiência e do Estatuto da Pessoa com Deficiência. Enfoca-se, em seguida, os instrumentos de fiscalização e controle utilizados pelo Estado para a verificação do cumprimento das quotas, definidos na normatização específica, conduzindo à reflexão sobre a ação anulatória dos autos de infração lavrados, bem como sobre as decisões prolatadas em grau de recurso pelo Tribunal Superior do Trabalho, conjugando os efeitos desses instrumentos e decisões com dados estatísticos apresentados por organismos estatais para inferir quanto a possibilidade de alterações no comando legal do sistema de quotas, almejando a efetividade de sua função social

Submitted by Maike Costa (maiksebas@gmail.com) on 2017-09-19T12:23:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1986536 bytes, checksum: 76da864aa8b26acc28f9f8c650c7cbed (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-19T12:23:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1986536 bytes, checksum: 76da864aa8b26acc28f9f8c650c7cbed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-31 / The study aims to investigate the ways and the consequences of the movement critical of the Catholic Church, along with civil society, the visibility and role of the Advocacy Center of the Archdiocese of Paraiba Human Rights(CDDH). In 1975, the Archbishop of Paraiba, Dom Jose Maria Pires, created the CDDH as additive and auxiliary body in the evangelizing mission of the Archdiocese. Thus, strengthened liberation theology, allowing the Church was next to the struggles and demands of the poor (especially farmers), the socially excluded and politically persecuted by the military regime. The organization was a pioneer in Brazil and produced, in the following year, the first records of visits (a number of legal cases, criminal and social security). However, only in September 1979 is that the assumptions were approved, definitions and objectives; the criteria for the operation and tasks, in addition to the organization of staff been chosen. In 1995, when Don Jose retired, the Archdiocese of Paraiba CDDH has taken on a new name: Defense of Human Rights Foundation Alves (FDDHMMA). The documents for the years Centre's activities between 1976 and 1994, are preserved in the Ecclesiastical Archive of Paraiba. They were cataloged - and made available to researchers - the legal and financial documents, minutes, legislation, correspondence, reports, articles (some even prior to the date of creation), liturgical celebrations, designs, photographs and clippings from newspapers and magazines. By document analysis, there appears the need for (re)significance of the role of the CDDH, which walk in the light of the Gospel and the teachings of Christ, says the defense of human dignity; a unique contribution to political discourse and empowerment of the poor and excluded sectors, in support to the promotion and realization of human rights. During the military regime, the practice of religious and lay people (pastoral workers, lawyers and Paraiba peasants) strengthened the conquest of land tenure, Paraiba, and the denunciation of human rights violations in Brazil. Later, with the conquest of democracy, liberating policy CDDH served as an important reference for the exercise of full citizenship in the country. / O estudo propõe-se a investigar os caminhos e as consequências críticas do movimento da Igreja Católica, juntamente com a sociedade civil, na visibilidade e atuação do Centro de Defesa dos Direitos Humanos da Arquidiocese da Paraíba (CDDH). Em 1975, o Arcebispo da Paraíba, Dom José Maria Pires, criou o CDDH, como órgão aditivo e auxiliar na missão evangelizadora da Arquidiocese. Com isso, fortalecia a Teologia da Libertação, permitindo que a Igreja estivesse ao lado das lutas e reivindicações dos mais pobres (especialmente camponeses), dos excluídos socialmente e dos perseguidos politicamente pelo regime militar. A entidade era pioneira no Brasil e produziu, já no ano seguinte, as primeiras fichas de atendimentos (casos jurídicos diversos, penal e previdência social). No entanto, somente em setembro de 1979 é que foram aprovados os pressupostos, definições e objetivos; os critérios para o funcionamento e tarefas, além de ter sido escolhida a equipe de organização. Em 1995, quando Dom José se aposentou, o CDDH da Arquidiocese da Paraíba passou a ter uma nova denominação: Fundação de Defesa dos Direitos Humanos Margarida Maria Alves (FDDHMMA). Os documentos referentes aos anos de atuação do Centro, entre 1976 e 1994, estão preservados no Arquivo Eclesiástico da Paraíba. Foram catalogados – e colocados à disposição dos pesquisadores – a documentação jurídica e financeira, atas, legislações, correspondências, relatórios, artigos (alguns, inclusive, anteriores à data da criação), celebrações litúrgicas, projetos, fotografias e recortes de jornais e revistas. Através da análise documental, é possível constatar a necessidade de uma (re) significação do papel do CDDH, cuja caminhada, à luz do Evangelho e dos ensinamentos de Cristo, ressalta a defesa da dignidade humana; uma singular contribuição ao discurso político e do empoderamento dos setores mais pobres e excluídos, em amparo à promoção e efetivação dos direitos humanos. Durante o regime militar, a práxis de religiosos e leigos, (agentes pastorais, advogados e camponeses da Paraíba) fortaleceu a conquista da posse da terra, na Paraíba, e a denúncia da violação dos direitos humanos, no Brasil. Posteriormente, com a conquista da democracia, a política libertadora do CDDH serviu como um importante referencial para o exercício da cidadania plena no País.

Ce mémoire de maîtrise s’intéresse au sujet de la citoyenneté telle que vue par treize personnalités musulmanes influentes du Québec. Ces personnes sont largement impliquées dans différentes sphères des affaires publiques, telles que religieuse, politique, communautaire, académique et économique. L’objectif de l’étude qualitative de ces entrevues de type ouvert est de comprendre comment ces personnes perçoivent leur citoyenneté et les expériences personnelles sociales qui influencent leurs visions respectives à partir de la sémantique de leur articulation de la relation de la foi musulmane avec la notion de citoyenneté. Le contenu de ces entrevues a été soumis à une analyse de discours et nous en avons ressorti « une théorie de la citoyenneté chez les musulmans du Québec » basée sur des définitions différentes de la citoyenneté : une citoyenneté qui est « à part entière » en contradiction avec une autre de « seconde zone » ou de « seconde classe », toutes les deux définies par un ensemble de droits et de devoirs. Cette logique de définition de la citoyenneté se justifie par un cumul d’identités durant la trajectoire personnelle de chacun en faisant intervenir ses priorités et ses préoccupations courantes tout en trouvant sa source d’inspiration dans l’islam. La nationalité canadienne/québécoise se complète par l’islam comme mode de vie au sein de cette définition de la citoyenneté, selon cette même logique, à l’intérieur d’une idéologie nationaliste canadienne. / We are focusing on the study of citizenship as seen by a group of influential Muslim people, extensively involved in public affairs in various fields: social, religion, politics, community and academic. This group of thirteen persons has been questioned in an open interview manner about citizenship with a goal to understand how they perceive their citizenship and which social experiences influence that vision and shape their position. The qualitative analysis using a discourse analysis methodology brings out a “Muslim Quebecers theory of citizenship” based on different definitions of citizenship: a "global citizenship" that is "full" at odds with one another labeled as "second class citizenship", both defined by a set of rights and duties. This logic of definition is defined by a set of identities cumulated during their personal experience and shaped by their current priorities as social actors. It has its roots in Islam as a spiritual referential. In other cases the citizenship is defined by the completion of the local Canadian/Quebecer nationality by Islam as a lifestyle within a Canadian nationalist ideology.

Ce mémoire de maîtrise s’intéresse au sujet de la citoyenneté telle que vue par treize personnalités musulmanes influentes du Québec. Ces personnes sont largement impliquées dans différentes sphères des affaires publiques, telles que religieuse, politique, communautaire, académique et économique. L’objectif de l’étude qualitative de ces entrevues de type ouvert est de comprendre comment ces personnes perçoivent leur citoyenneté et les expériences personnelles sociales qui influencent leurs visions respectives à partir de la sémantique de leur articulation de la relation de la foi musulmane avec la notion de citoyenneté. Le contenu de ces entrevues a été soumis à une analyse de discours et nous en avons ressorti « une théorie de la citoyenneté chez les musulmans du Québec » basée sur des définitions différentes de la citoyenneté : une citoyenneté qui est « à part entière » en contradiction avec une autre de « seconde zone » ou de « seconde classe », toutes les deux définies par un ensemble de droits et de devoirs. Cette logique de définition de la citoyenneté se justifie par un cumul d’identités durant la trajectoire personnelle de chacun en faisant intervenir ses priorités et ses préoccupations courantes tout en trouvant sa source d’inspiration dans l’islam. La nationalité canadienne/québécoise se complète par l’islam comme mode de vie au sein de cette définition de la citoyenneté, selon cette même logique, à l’intérieur d’une idéologie nationaliste canadienne. / We are focusing on the study of citizenship as seen by a group of influential Muslim people, extensively involved in public affairs in various fields: social, religion, politics, community and academic. This group of thirteen persons has been questioned in an open interview manner about citizenship with a goal to understand how they perceive their citizenship and which social experiences influence that vision and shape their position. The qualitative analysis using a discourse analysis methodology brings out a “Muslim Quebecers theory of citizenship” based on different definitions of citizenship: a "global citizenship" that is "full" at odds with one another labeled as "second class citizenship", both defined by a set of rights and duties. This logic of definition is defined by a set of identities cumulated during their personal experience and shaped by their current priorities as social actors. It has its roots in Islam as a spiritual referential. In other cases the citizenship is defined by the completion of the local Canadian/Quebecer nationality by Islam as a lifestyle within a Canadian nationalist ideology.