This thesis examines the role of international intervention in the area formerly known as Yugoslavia during its collapse in the first half of the 1990s (1991-1995). The Cold War had just ended, and the United Nations (UN), NATO, and the nations they represented were reevaluating their roles in a world without competition between two superpowers. The collapse of Yugoslavia and ensuing civil war presented these international bodies with an opportunity to intervene and show that they were ready to take charge in future conflicts in pursuing and achieving peace. However, what followed revealed them to be short-sighted and ill-prepared for this role as the conflict quickly escalated leading to genocide again taking place in Europe. The country of Bosnia, which emerged as its own nation in the collapse of Yugoslavia, will receive special interest due to its place as the geographic and active center of most of the war and atrocities. The United States will also be examined in detail since it eventually played a key role in achieving peace with the Dayton Peace Accords. The purpose of this study was to determine whether the intervention in Bosnia and former Yugoslavia was implemented well. After examining primary documents from the United States, the UN, NATO and other organizations, as well as secondary documents in the form of journal articles and books, it became clear that the intentions of these groups were good, but their abilities in achieving peace were not. Many leaders were highly influenced by prior experiences in either World War II or Vietnam which made it difficult for them to see this new conflict in a different light. Thus, it was only when key figures in leadership changed that the situation in Bosnia was turned around and peace became attainable. Unfortunately, this peace was only achieved after hundreds of thousands had died and millions had been displaced creating a difficult rebuilding and reunifying process for those that remained or returned following Dayton.

Directed by: Professor James E. Young This dissertation explores where historical memories concerning colonization, genocide, and racism intersect, merge, and overlap in multidirectional ways. The text opens by exploring the possibilities of using a multidirectional model of world history and then moves to a discussion of certain aspects of world political history that interrogates why some nations have dominated others. The focus then shifts to England's attitude toward perceived "others" in the crucial late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries by examining contemporary theater drama. From there, the text moves on to current voices that have spoken out against the racism and genocide that have emerged as byproducts of empire building. Finally, possibilities for where we, as citizens of the world, can go from here in thinking through framing justice and equality for all its occupants is given the final voice in this text. My approach may be thought of as somewhat philosophical.

This study explores the power of ethnonationalist conflict-generated diasporas (CGD) as external actors in homeland conflict by exploring the nature of their political engagement on a transnational level using Internet Communication technologies (ICTs), with Rwanda as a case study. Virtual ethnography was chosen as the research methodology to explore the online activities of Rwandan CGD using social media (social networking sites) to form virtual transnational networks for political purposes. Diasporic online formations and activities were mapped in order to gain increased insights into ways that CGD use social media to engage in homeland conflict, and the effect their engagement has on the conflict cycle in the home country. Results of the study revealed that Rwandan CGDs demonstrate attitudes and motivations to act in ways that are consistent with other case studies of CGD, including exhibiting an enduring commitment and loyalty to co-ethnics, a romanticized conceptualization of homeland and a myth of return home. The results also revealed Rwandan CGDs¿ strong propensity to use social media to engage in homeland conflict on a political level through the development of a large and dense transnational network used for a range of political purposes, including the dissemination of genocide denial and propaganda consistent with the pre-genocide propaganda campaign. Implications for peace-building and conflict analysis are discussed.

“Community participation” is a common concept in contemporary development initiatives worldwide. As an approach, it aims to include the targeted population in its planning and implementation, by recognizing the need in understanding local contexts, beliefs, and values. As such, this thesis aims to explore the possibilities, as well as limitations, of community participation, specifically in the context of post-conflict development through a case study of a development project, The Bugesera Societal Healing Initiative (BSHI), in Rwanda. This is done within the theoretical context of the anthropology of development and post-development theory. Through ethnographical inquiry into the lives of BSHI participants suffering from trauma following the 1994 Genocide, this thesis conveys the essence for development organizations in catering to the specific needs of a given local population. In turn, this is placed in a broader discourse, within the development sector as a whole, to understand the limitations and obstacles in achieving comprehensive societal transformation. It is argued that, while development initiatives driven by the idea of community participation may succeed on a local level and positively impact the targeted population, it may still leave wider political structures perpetuating issues of, for instance, poverty unaltered. In this, it seems that for these structures to be addressed, it requires a more radical approach to development in which the status quo is being challenged.

Thesis advisor: Margaret Eletta Guider / Thesis advisor: O. Ernesto Valiente / Beginning in 1990 and lasting for one decade, in Rwanda and the subregion of Africa where Rwanda is located, violence, wars, genocide, and migrations caused various expressions of suffering. It is said that the Blessed Virgin Mary appeared at Kibeho in a sorrowful state almost ten years before and foretold such atrocities and suggested a way out. Failing to pay heed to her prophetic voice, the consequences are devastating and challenging. In the effort to confront such challenges, the Church looks for ways in which she can channel the healing graces needed in the aftermath. Can we talk of the God who heals the broken-hearted in the context of bitter sufferings subsequent to Genocide against the Tutsi? The answer is ‘yes’ and in Rwanda, particularly the Sorrowful Mother and Jesus Christ, give a hint for that possibility. The solidarity shown by them to the suffering people of Rwanda is key to receiving God’s healing and hope in the promises of his Kingdom despite the bitterness of the suffering. Assured of the solidarity of both the Sorrowful Mother and of Jesus Christ, Rwandans can embark on the long yet necessary journey of healing and reconciliation. The Church in Rwanda ought to lead this urgent imperative with an innovative pastoral approach and at the same time propose a preventative endeavor to deter violence and instill harmonious relationships. This process of healing and reconciliation is informed by God’s example who reconciled humanity through the passion, death, and resurrection of his Son. Practices of solidarity, especially wherever sufferings are still felt, should be a priority. Moreover, a peacebuilding project should be an ecclesial initiative and priority for the sake of generations to come. / Thesis (STL) — Boston College, 2023. / Submitted to: Boston College. School of Theology and Ministry. / Discipline: Sacred Theology.

This knowledge overview, known as SAG, aims to answer questions regarding what the national and international research in didactics shows about how history teachers in secondary and upper secondary schools reflect, plan, and teach about genocide. The methods used for this overview were a systematic search of relevant research and the processing of chosen research articles. Our results show that teachers consider genocide to be significant but also a complex subject. Furthermore, teachers aim to not only teach about genocide as a historical factual phenomenon but also open the door to discussions among learners regarding moral aspects of genocide throughout history.  Prominent strategies that teachers use was shown through research on teaching about different narratives about genocide, but also getting learners actively involved in studying history, emphasizing human rights, and highlighting the consequences when these rights are ignored. In addition, research also shows the absence of certain aspects, such as the absence of explicit aims for teaching and too much focus on the political, ideological, and economic perspectives when teaching about genocide. To conclude, teaching about genocide should be a subject that teachers approach with carefulness and explicit strategies to make learners more engaged in the diverse historical contexts being discussed in the classroom and develop historical consciousness and narrative competence.

Genocide is conventionally seen through the mutually exclusive characterisations of perpetrators and victims. Attempts to understand this phenomenon in the 1990s postcolonial African Great Lakes region suffer from this same limitation. This dissertation critiques the limiting binary of perpetrator and victim identities. By examining the messy formation of identities in genocide, this research demonstrates that the latter are layered and fluid. Using relational sociology, identities are examined through the narrative analysis of interviews with Banyamulenge soldiers who participated in the early 1990s Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), and the short-lived Alliance des Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Congo (AFDL). These soldiers witnessed first-hand the violence and devastation of the Rwandan civil war and 1994 genocide. The AFDL, under Rwandan leadership, went on to obliterate 233,000 Rwandan refugees spread across Zaïre form 1996 to 1997. A heuristic device of a vortex is used to conceptualise a process of identity formation framed by three features of genocide, namely narratives of insecurity, destructive crises, and intermediate space. RPF and Banyamulenge narratives, power relations, and relational journeys are traced through an exploration of the networks and histories of these features. Banyamulenge soldier identities are formed in movements through this vortex with each experience of genocide. Such movements resulted in violence against the refugees. A specific relation to the idea of the enemy as a guilty genocidaire was constructed through the deployment of multiple narratives. The genocidaire was essential to Banyamulenge identities as they went on to perpetrate genocide against the Rwandan refugees. / The full text will be available at the end of the embargo: 1st Dec 2027

The purpose of the study is to present a valid definition of how the struggle against the Cathars was portrayed in papal propaganda between 1179-1236. This is seen as important because of the contradictory state of research and deserves an answer. One line in the research field claims it was a genocide, another claims it was not and another line claims that the whole idea of a genocide definition in this struggle is anachronistic. This study seeks to explore how this struggle against the Cathars could be explained in its time as well as an explanation for our time.   The results shows that the main goal was to defend the Church and its unity, one sub goal was to convert and to offer opportunities for renunciation, and another sub goal was annihilation. The sources admit that both an eradication of the view if self and of the collective group were a general line. The Cathars could make an apology, if they did they escaped death. The study claims it was not a genocide because of this. But an intention was eradication. This is seen as a tenable historical definition. It´s an example of religious persecution in it´s most violent form.  The study further claims that the organization and planning were systematic in order to accomplish the goals. There are some aspects of these results that indicate that new knowledge has been presented. The society was characterized by religious intolerance, the actions of the papacy must be seen in this context.

There is much debate among genocide scholars as to the causes and even accurate definitions of genocide. Early warning developed to address the increasing need for humanitarian intervention in violent conflicts around the world. As a subset of genocide studies, early warning seeks to go beyond explaining the causes of genocide. The early warning model created here uses six indicator variables - government, leaders/elites, followers, non-followers/bystanders, outsider group, and environment - to detect the likelihood of genocide within a given case study. Four cases were chosen - Kenya, Nigeria, Yemen, and Ethiopia - and analyzed using the indicator variables to determine if these violent conflicts may already be or may become genocides. Preliminary findings show that the civilian outsider group is a vital component when determining whether or not a conflict is or may become a "limited-genocide" and that genocides are a function of the interaction of the six indicator variables and not just their presence. Other implications for sovereignty and humanitarian intervention are discussed.

This thesis seeks to analyze the international community's conflict management capabilities through its response to the Darfur crisis. Primarily, it aims to show through the lens of the Darfur crisis, which is widely accepted as the first genocide of the twenty-first century, that the international community has yet to develop a framework to collectively intervene in and resolve crimes against humanity. Additionally, this thesis will show the international community's recognition of their shortcomings through the gradual transformation of policies undertaken by several of its leading entities in response to the crisis. The research will pinpoint several major factors behind the lack of a unified global community acting in Darfur, such as geopolitical fragility between major international organizations, fragmentation caused by wars in Iraq and Afghanistan as well as the global War on Terror which occurred concurrently with the genocide in Darfur, and the underlying political and economic alliances that many major countries including the United States and China, enjoy with the Government of Sudan. The work will focus specifically on the United States, the United Nations, the European Union, and the African Union, analyzing the actions of each respective group in facilitating an end to the Darfur conflict. Ultimately, this thesis will use the research to conclude that the international community was willing to accept the Darfur genocide, with its death toll nearing four-hundred thousand and well over two million internally displaced peoples, in order to advance their respective global interests and preserve the status quo of global affairs in the early twenty-first century.