Since his election into office, a cloud of uncertainty has surrounded President Trump’s foreign policy ambitions. Much of today’s scholarship concerns its unpredictable nature and scope. President Trump, like previous presidents who have come before him, entered office with very little foreign policy experience. A key feature of his non-principled, fast-alternating foreign policy is that few people know exactly what he is going to propose next in terms of his international strategy. Coupled with this strategy is Trump’s desire for international credibility and a strong reputation. This desire seems fundamentally at odds with his foreign policy strategy, as Trump proposes isolationist measures and countries learn to fear his foreign policy’s unpredictability. This paper aims to take a critical look at the role of humanitarian intervention in a country’s foreign policy. It analyses whether countries like the United States can successfully introduce humanitarian intervention as a successful foreign policy prescription. More specifically, it aims to answer the following research question: is it possible for the United States to reclaim its founding values through intervention in humanitarian crises without hindering the country’s military credibility? This paper first proposes theory, then aims to cement that theory in a real-world scenario through the analysis of a specific case study. It uses a combination of primary sources, secondary sources, and more qualitative methods of data gathering to deeply analyze the relationship between humanitarian intervention, military credibility, and the United States’ founding values. It then goes on to critically analyze the application of these findings to the genocide currently occurring in West Sudan.

abstract: The purpose of this study is to examine the influence of neoliberalism on the occurrence and intervention of genocide, particularly the ability to create othered groups through a process of dehumanization that desensitizes those in power to the human condition. I propose Social Externalization Theory as paradigm that explains how neoliberalism can be used as a means social control to create subjects vulnerable to political and collective violence that is justified as the externalized cost of economic growth, development, and national security. Finally, the conflict in Darfur (2003 - 2010) serves as a case study to analyze the influence of neoliberal policies on the resistance of the International community to recognize the violence as genocide. Analysis of the case study found that some tenets of neoliberalism produce results that fit within the ideologies of genocide and that some aspects of neoliberalism assume a genocidal mentality. In this case, those in positions power engage in daily activities that justify some suffering as acceptable, thus desensitizing them to the harm that their decisions generate. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.S. Justice Studies 2013

Este trabalho estuda o tema Genocídio a partir do estudo comparativo dos sete casos do século XX, como oficialmente definidos pelas Nações Unidas: Armênios, Holodomor, Nanking, Holocausto, Cambódia, Bósnia-Herzegovina, e Ruanda. O mapeamento de suas similaridades é contraposto aos modelos de (i) Stanton (Genocide Watch); (ii) Albert Bandura (Desengajamento Moral); bem como (iii) Conceitos desenvolvidos a partir de estudos em Psicologia Social, oportunamente identificados. Chegou-se, então, a um Modelo Teórico Ajustado, sistêmico, que potencialmente ajuda a identificar as causas e consequências de Genocídios. / This work studies Genocide from comparing the seven ocurrences in the twentieth century, as oficially defined as Genocides by the United Nations: Armenians, Holodomor, Nanking, Holocaust, Cambodia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Rwanda. The similarities among these cases are then compared with (i) The Stanton Model (Genocide Watch); (ii) The Moral Desengagement Framework, as proposed by Albert Bandura; as well as (iii) Social Psychology concepts, identified and conveniently presented. A theoretical adjusted model, systemic, is then presented, aiming to potentially help identifying causes and consequences of Genocides.

Esta dissertação de início trata das particularidades do processo de mobilização pelo trabalho da imigração armênia no Distrito de Presidente Altino, localizado no município de Osasco, em relação com a capital paulista. Esse processo tem como referencial histórico de mobilização o Genocídio Armênio perpetrado pelo Império Otomano durante a Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914-1918), intepretada aqui a partir da mobilização geral (Gaudemar, 1981), momento histórico em que todos os esforços estão voltados para a produção, fazendo da guerra uma constante necessária à acumulação de capitais. Tentamos problematizar os desdobramentos históricos da relação social capitalista que foram transformando os sentidos da acumulação de capitais ao longo do século XX, bem como a dinâmica das personificações daí resultantes, até o contemporâneo capitalismo baseado na reprodução ficctícia do valor. Partindo da pesquisa histórica de trajetórias de mobilização aliada a observações feitas em trabalhos de campo, foram realizadas viagens à Argentina, Uruguai no intuito de apresentar as contradições perceptíveis entre a identidade armênia dessas localidades visitadas e a identidade observada em viagem à Armênia. / This dissertation deals with the particularities of the process of mobilization for the work of Armenian immigration in the District of Presidente Altino, located in the municipality of Osasco, in relation to the capital of São Paulo. This process has as a historical reference for mobilization the Armenian Genocide perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire during World War I (1914-1918), interpreted here using the concept of general mobilization (Gaudemar, 1981), historical moment in which all the efforts are directed to the production, requiring constant war to the accumulation of capital. We have tried to problematize the historical unfoldings of the capitalist social relationship that have been transforming the meanings of capital accumulation throughout the twentieth century, as well as the dynamics of the personifications resulting therefrom reaching the contemporary capitalism based on the fictional reproduction of value. Starting from the historical research of mobilization trajectories allied to observations made in field research. Travels were made to Argentina, Uruguay in order to present the perceptible contradictions between the Armenian identity of these visited localities and the identity observed during the travel to Armenia.

The Yazidi religious minority was a subject to extreme violence perpetrated by the so-called Islamic State (IS) in Iraq in 2014. This thesis argues that the violence was genocidal in nature and aimed to destroy the Yazidi group as such. Using theories from sociology, it seeks to explain how the violence caused a tremendous social change within the Yazidi community. The study further revises concepts of terrorism and perpetrators of genocide and demonstrates that the perpetrator does not necessarily need to be a state, but another kind of strong organization can be capable of committing such atrocities as well.

Nine years after the genocide in Rwanda, women won 48 per cent of the seats in the parliament. In the next election of 2008 they became the most gender equal parliament in the world. But does this mean that women have received an extensive influence in decision-making in the Rwandan society? The aim with this study is to develop a deeper understanding of what role women have in decision-making at local political assemblies and in households. A field study with an ethnographical approach including interviews and observations in Rwanda was conducted in November-December 2011. Interviews with female and male farmers and urbanites were performed in order to understand their roles and responsibilities in their home. This thesis also contains a brief analysis of Rwandan women’s role in the pre-genocide society. Through a Neo-institutional approach, this thesis outlines what has contributed to women’s role today. Neo-institutionalism looks at societal changes with a holistic view and from three different aspects: the normative, cultural-cognitive and the regulative aspect. These three components of the theory are vital ingredients for a societal change to occur. My findings show that women participate in decision-making, not only on the central level, but also in local political assemblies. It also indicates that women of today partake in decision-making at the household level, earlier left to men alone. Women have also since 1999 gained equal rights by several legal regulations. My analysis shows that women’s influence in decision-making on central, local and on household level is a collateral consequence of the genocide.

A l’intersection de plusieurs champs disciplinaires – littérature, philosophie, histoire, épistémologie médicale, psychanalyse, droit -, ce travail reconstruit le cheminement de l’auteur qui, après de nombreuses publications [romans, essais, articles], expose les expériences, les connaissances et les outils conceptuels qui lui ont permis d’interpréter la répétition génocidaire dans les Balkans et de s’engager dans le débat éthique en médecine. Parvenue dans ses ouvrages précédents à un résultat qu’elle estime à la fois scientifique – d’un point de vue clinique – et éthique, un résultat qui lui permet, à partir de la mise en évidence du mécanisme clinique de la répétition, d’énoncer une loi vérifiable dans les Balkans, elle rend compte de sa démarche pour en venir à interroger le bain de langage actuel et la responsabilité de l’écrivain, mais aussi des historiens et de la critique, face à la spécificité génocidaire qui occupe, ici, la place d’un réel par la plupart impensé. Cette étape d’un travail en cours permet de comprendre que si la littérature permet de révéler ce qu’il en est du réel en tant qu’il est humain, le réel n’est pas synonyme de vérité. En revanche, la mise en évidence d’un mécanisme réel – un mécanisme qu’il faut qualifier ici de psycho-historique ou mémoriel – permet d’approcher avec plus de précision la situation actuelle, de mieux en saisir la logique, et d’envisager de nouvelles stratégies pour tenter de contribuer à construire la paix dans les Balkans, pour les générations futures. / At the intersection of several disciplinary fields – literature, philosophy, history, medical epistemology, psychoanalysis, and law – this work reconstructs the winding path of the author who, after numerous publications [novels, essays, articles], here exhibits the experiences, the knowledge and the conceptual tools that have allowed her to interpret the genocidal repetition in the Balkans, and to become engaged in the ethical debate in medicine. Having reached in her previous works a result that she deems both scientific – from a clinical point of view – and ethical, a result that allows her on the basis of the investigation of the clinical mechanism of repetition to voice a law that can be confirmed in the Balkans, she gives an account of her undertaking so as to interrogate the current language being used and the responsibility, not only of the writer, but also of historians and criticism, faced with the genocidal specificity that here occupies the place of a real that for the most part has not been thought through elsewhere. This stage of a work in progress enables one to understand that if literature allows for the uncovering of the real that is in play in so far as it is human, the real is not synonymous with truth. On the other hand, the investigation of a real mechanism – a mechanism that here has to be qualified as psycho-historic or memorial – allows one to approach the current situation with greater precision, to better grasp its logic, and to envisage new strategies to try and contribute to the construction of peace in the Balkans, for future generations.

This master thesis is devoted to an analysis of causes and development of the Armenian Genocide (1915 - 1916) on a central and also on a provincial level. A first part of this thesis examines the phenomenon generally from perspective of political and social history. The key element of used interpretation is emergence of a conflict environment in a process modernization that made the genocide possible. In this context my thesis emphasise role of making of modern political parties, switching from dynastic concept of legitimacy of power to ethno-democratic based conception, and brutalization of public space caused by international conflicts. After the analysis of decision making process the text also presents the general developments of the "Great Disaster" with emphasis on actions taken by the central government in Istanbul. The second part of the work is dealing with ways in which the genocidal policy was introduced into praxis in provincial towns Mezreh and Harpoot. This section is largely build up on the primary sources left by local community of missionaries and American consul. The process of extermination and deportation in a significant way enhanced by a collapse of mutual thrust between the Armenian and the Muslim communities in the towns after searching for arms and arrests of Armenian...

LL.D. / Millions of human lives have been affected by gross human rights violations since 1945. Genocide and crimes against humanity have been perpetrated repeatedly against civilians despite the vow after the Holocaust that such atrocities would “never again” occur. The Holocaust acts were not criminalised as “genocide” in the London Charter, but as “persecutions on political, racial or religious grounds” under the broader international crime of “crimes against humanity”. “Genocide” was criminalised on 9 December 1948 by the adoption of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide by the United Nations General Assembly. Two main obligations were imposed on signatory states by Article I of the Genocide Convention, namely to prevent the commission of the international crime of genocide, and the obligation to punish the perpetrators of such a crime. Both genocide and crimes against humanity form part of the “most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole”, which are also gross human rights violations. It is of interest to all states of the international community to prevent the commission of these gross human rights violations and to prosecute perpetrators. The prohibition of the international crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity is erga omnes in nature. The research objective of this doctoral thesis is to analyse the causes for the repeated failure of the international community to fulfil the erga omnes obligation to prevent and prosecute gross human rights violations. This endeavour is furthermore aimed at formulating recommendations that will enhance future compliance with the erga omnes obligation in accordance with the international legal developments that will form the subject matter of the thesis. The thesis consists of five parts. Part 1 is an introduction in which the research objective and aims of the thesis are explained and demarcated, as well as the issues focused upon. Core legal concepts, terms and notions explained in Part 1 include “gross human rightsviolations”, “erga omnes obligation”, “jus cogens norms”, “customary international law”, “states upon whom the erga omnes obligations to prevent and prosecute gross human rights violations are imposed”, “the obligation to prevent”, “the obligation to prosecute”, “state responsibility”, “individual criminal responsibility”, “state immunity”, and various other terms. Part 1 further explains the research methodology followed in the thesis and contains a brief overview of the parts and chapters.

Magister Legum - LLM / This research paper will focus on these controversial issues and their significance for the International Criminal Court (ICC) in dealing with the situation in Darfur/Sudan. Furthermore, another related issue that was addressed by the Commission will be analysed, namely which exact degree of mens rea is required for the special intent to destroy one of the protected groups. / South Africa