M.Comm. (Business Management) / With the unbannlng of the African National Congress, It soon became evident that they would play a major part In the future of South Africa, politically aswell as economically. With the release of Mr. Nelson Mandela It also became evident that the ANC was seriously considering a policy of natlonallsatlon. This study discusses the economic policy of the National Party which Included, until recent times, socialist doctrines. The study shows the failing position of South Africa's economy but also Indicates that a free market policy would unlock the country's true potential. The economic policy of the National Party since 1948, discriminated to a large extent against black South-Africans, which could well be the main motivating factor why the ANC would be considering a policy of natlonallsation. The study therefore also discusses and comments upon the economic policy of the ANC as was published for the first time In 1990. Subsequent developments In the economic debate within the ANC, which Includes a review of a number of public statements by ANC leaders, Is also discussed as well as the ANC's Reconstruction and Development Programme. The study agrees that there Is more than one form of natlonallsatlon, but Indicates that probably none would be accepted without reserve by the private sector. The study takes a critical view of the advantages and disadvantages of a policy of natlonallsatlon In the South African context. The study discusses the effect that natlonallsatlon would have on the economy of South Africa and that It would probably cause the ANC to have less funds available to use for soclo-economlc purposes than In a free market economy. A conclusion Is reached that a policy of natlonallsatlon In the current circumstances In South Africa, In any form, would be far more disadvantageous to most South African citizens than advantageous.

Nationalisation involves putting any section of the economy under the control and ownership of a government. Nationalisation is not new to South Africa. The governments of the past and especially the Nationalist Party have nationalised a number of industries in the South African economy. Today almost 54% of the productive assets in the country are in the hands of the government. Transport, electricity, post office, are a few examples. Nationalisation in the past has been used to benefit only the whites, by providing them with jobs and services.

The importance of State-owned entities (SOEs) in a developing State has been argued for centuries. SOEs are perceived as the tool that the State can successfully use to implement its developmental agenda. In the Republic of South Africa, SOEs have been used to ensure universal access to electricity, water and logistical infrastructure to support industrial development, as well as basic service delivery. These entities have been expected to fund these initiatives from their own funds, which alleviated the need for commercial SOEs (also known as State-owned companies) to be profitable without continuous financial injections from the RSA government. Generally, commercial SOEs have been performing poorly financially. This research study aims to determine whether political influence might affect the profitability of these commercial SOEs. The poor financial performance plaguing the commercial SOEs hinders their ability to effectively contribute as a collective to the developmental agenda of the State, as espoused in the current strategic plan of the RSA in the form of the National Development Plan (NDP). Due to the poor financial performance and subsequent diversion of financial resources from other national priorities for their bail-out, commercial SOEs have been considered a liability rather than an asset to the RSA. To satisfy the primary and associated research objectives, qualitative primary and secondary research data have been collected. The primary data have been collected by using the semi-structured interview from the CFOs of commercial SOEs from various government departments – given their proximity to the financial performance and the drivers of this performance in commercial SOEs. CFOs are also part of the commercial SOEs senior-executive management of these entities. The general opinion of the participants and the literature review of the research study is that, indeed, political influence has had an adverse effect on the profitability of commercial SOEs, among others, as a consequence of the positioning of SOEs within the governance system of the RSA, the impact of the recruitment process for senior executives and the implications of an unfunded mandate. It is clear that in the RSA, commercial SOEs, and SOEs in general, will continue to play a pivotal role in the implementation of the developmental agendas of the State, as expressed in the NDP. With the RSA government expecting commercial SOEs to fund these activities from their own funds, it is critical that the State should be an enabler rather than a hindrance for commercial SOEs‟ profitability.

LL.M. / This is the exploration of the topic of nationalisation of the country’s mines and mineral wealth. The discussion studies the impact of the Minerals and Petroleum Resources Development Act 28 of 2002 (hereafter referred to as the MPRDA) and other relevant legislation on the nationalisation discussion. Ultimately the discussion examines whether nationalisation finds any support within the South African Constitution or not. The discussion begins with a study of the history of mining and minerals rights; an exploration is then undertaken on the meaning of property and whether mineral rights can be understood to mean property. The discussion then progresses to the study of the relevant provisions of section 25 of the South African Constitution in an effort to determine whether nationalisation is justifiable in terms of the South African Constitution. What is largely considered in this case are the recent findings of the Agri South Africa v Minister for Minerals and Energy 2013 4 SA 1 CC case as well as other relevant and emerging case law on the subject matter.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The period prior to the 1990's marked the ANC as a liberation movement, perceived by many as being in favour of nationalization and a state controlled economy. The advent of democracy and the ANC's assumption of political power have, however, seen a change in the ANC elites' policy rhetoric, practice and approach to policy formulation. This essay examines the extent to which elite views and attitudes have shifted from nationalization to privatization. It notes that while the ANC government has been persuing and implementing Gear and its privatization component, its elite seems to be less supportive and to some extent ambivalent on the question. In addition, continued implementation of Gear and its privatization elements, in spite of reservations by the majority of the elites supporting the ANC, reveals a technocratie nature in approach to policy-making on the part of the ANC-led government. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Voor 1990 was die ANC oor die algemeen beskou as 'n bevrydingsorganisasie, ten gunste van nasionalisering en 'n staatsbeheerde ekonomie. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie en die ANC se aanname van politieke mag, het daar 'n verandering plaasgevind onder ANC elite ten opsigte van beleidsretoriek, praktyk en hulle benadering betreffende beleidsformulering. Hierdie studie ondersoek tot hoe 'n mate die elite se sieninge en houdings verskuif het vanaf nasionalisering na privatisering. Terwyl die ANC regering GEAR implementeer met sy privatiseringkomponent, is die ANC elite al minder ondersteunend t.o.v die privatiseringskwessie; om die waarheid te sê, hul standpunt hieroor is tot 'n mate dubbelsinnig. Verder toon die implementering van GEAR, en sy privatiseringselement, ten spyte van bedenkinge onder die meerderheid van die elite wat die ANC ondersteun, 'n toenemende tegnokratiese benadering tot beleidsmaking aan die kant van die ANC regering.

The purpose of this study was to explore the strategising practices of sustainability champions at Transnet, a South African state-owned enterprise (SOE). The study set out to discover what these micro-strategising practices were and what strategic outcomes they had for the organisation at the corporate level of strategy praxis. The problem that this research sought to address was the need for greater progress towards corporate sustainability and the lack of research into the role, contributions and practices of sustainability champions in formal sustainability roles within relatively large organisations. This exploration was carried out in the form of a qualitative single-case study which drew on serial interviews (two per participant) and case documentation as sources of evidence. The data were analysed using Applied Thematic Analysis (ATA) in the CAQDAS software Atlas.ti. The study answered the research questions and found that sustainability champions engaged in seven sets of strategising practices with seven corresponding strategic outcomes. While it was not the intention of the study to develop a conceptual model, the process of synthesising the main findings resulted in a model termed the web of sustainable strategising. The study concludes that sustainability champions are strategists who aid their organisation in the pursuit of corporate sustainability while influencing the direction of macro-institutional arrangements towards sustainable development. These results cannot be generalised, but they are transferrable to similar contexts. / Business Management / M. Com. (Business Management)

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the relationship between the state and mining capital in South Africa since the beginning of gold mining. It provides a historical analysis centered around the notion that neither state nor capital have been able to dominate each other wholly but retained their respective relative strength and independence. By applying a qualitative approach, this thesis seeks to determine whether this notion still holds true today, how the relationship between the state and mining capital has evolved over time and by what factors was it determined. I suggest that structurally the nature of the state-capital relationship continues to endure fifteen years after apartheid. Accordingly the thesis is organized in terms of two critical junctures, one in the 1920s and one in the long 1970s when the balance of power between the state and mining capital experienced a number of shifts. Recent developments in post-apartheid South Africa seem, as of now at least, to represent more of a continuation of the shift that materialized in the long 1970s rather than a new conjuncture of its own or one in the making. Contrasting these findings with the adamant calls of the ANCYL for a nationalization of mines indicates that nationalization as the ANCYL foresees it does not seem to be informed by a historical understanding of the mining capital-state relations and that it is ceteris paribus unlikely to materialize. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis ondersoek die verhouding tussen die staat en mynbou kapitaal in Suid-Afrika sedert die begin van die goudwedloop. Op grond van ’n historiese oorsig word daar aan die hand gedoen dat nòg die staat nóg mynbou kapitaal mekaar oorheers het en dat hierdie tendens vyftien jaar na apartheid steeds voortduur. Die magsbalans tussen die staat en kapitaal word egter gekenmerk deur twee uiteenlopende periodes, naamlik die Twintiger jare en die langdurige Sewentigs. Verwikkelinge in post-apartheid Suid-Afrika suggereer ’n voortsetting van die dinamika van die Sewentigs. Volgens onlangse uitlatings deur die ANC Jeugliga blyk dit asof die beweging nie bewus is van die kompleksiteit van hierdie historiese verhouding nie en dat dit dus hoogs onwaarskynlik is dat nasionalisering in terme van ANC Jeugliga beleid die lig sal sien.

Many of the countries all over the world, with different experiences, own state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Even though these enterprises are useful socioeconomic policy instruments, evidence from most of these countries shows that these enterprises do not fulfil their mandates, especially when wholly owned, and in developing and corrupt countries. As a result, owning SOEs has become a trend rather than a means to an end. Several models, from privatisation, then back to renationalisation, have been attempted in mitigating the numerous problems of these enterprises. These models did not mitigate the problems of SOEs as they were, in summary, mere models backed by powerful advocates and favoured by the turn of socio-political and economic cycles at that time. However, irrespective of the numerous problems of SOEs, these enterprises can still be useful socioeconomic policy instruments now, as in the past. Using multiphase exploratory mixed methods, this thesis explores ways of mitigating the problems of SOEs by developing a best practice structural corporate governance model that takes into account various aspects of corporate governance of SOEs. In this context, the empirical part of this study was conducted in three phases. The first phase analyses the contents of relevant enterprises’ documents. The second phase analyses survey responses from purposively selected expert respondents from sample SOEs. The third phase analyses interviews from purposively selected expert participants from sample SOEs. Thus, this thesis determined the problems of SOEs, detailed the problem implications, identified contingent areas of the models considered vis a vis problems explored, extended the role of government, developed a conceptual framework, established useful models for organising and owning SOEs as a way of mitigating the identified problems, analysed the thesis statement and thesis propositions and developed a structural corporate governance model for SOEs. The study found that the holding company model, both wholly and partly owned, appears to be better in mitigating corporate governance problems of SOEs, compared with the traditional wholly and partly owned models, with the partly owned model of the holding company model a better model compared with the other models. Thus, this thesis harnesses the stages detailed above into contributing to the field of scholarly knowledge by harnessing the stages described into developing a structural corporate governance model that takes into account relevant aspects of corporate governance of SOEs and related enterprises. Following this, this thesis proposes that, in addition to emulating the developed model, establishing a supervisory board that constitutes representatives from public and private role players, as well as other external assurance providers and regulatory inspectors is key in mitigating problems of SOEs, especially in developing countries. This thesis contributes to the field of scholarly knowledge by synthesising disjointed literature on public entrepreneurship, developing and demonstrating a theoretical comparative sampling method, extending the role of government, theoretically developing a conceptual framework, dimensional theory, as well as developing a structural corporate governance model. / Business Management / D. Phil. (Accounting Sciences)

The privatisation and liberalisation of telecommunications throughout the world has resulted in the growing involvement of competition authorities in telecommunications regulation, alongside telecommunications sector-specific regulators. The existence of both sector specific rules and competition rules has brought about a critical institutional challenge. The increased role of competition authorities in the telecommunications sector raises the issue of inconsistent jurisdiction in the sector. Conflicts are therefore inevitable in the absence of clear delineation of jurisdiction. The South African model for regulation in the telecommunications sector entails a sharing of jurisdiction between the sector-specific regulator, the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA), and the competition-wide regulator, the Competition Commission. The study thus determines the interplay between the Competition Commission and ICASA as well as the competitiveness of South African telecommunications. / Communication Science / M.A. (International Communication))

The privatisation and liberalisation of telecommunications throughout the world has resulted in the growing involvement of competition authorities in telecommunications regulation, alongside telecommunications sector-specific regulators. The existence of both sector specific rules and competition rules has brought about a critical institutional challenge. The increased role of competition authorities in the telecommunications sector raises the issue of inconsistent jurisdiction in the sector. Conflicts are therefore inevitable in the absence of clear delineation of jurisdiction. The South African model for regulation in the telecommunications sector entails a sharing of jurisdiction between the sector-specific regulator, the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA), and the competition-wide regulator, the Competition Commission. The study thus determines the interplay between the Competition Commission and ICASA as well as the competitiveness of South African telecommunications. / Communication Science / M.A. (International Communication))