Thesis (MTech (Public Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 124-134). Also available online.

Magister Artium - MA / There is widespread concern in the democratic South African context over economic inequalities. However, given the problems of poverty, unemployment and inequality, there is a need to consider economic restitution. Restitution is used in public policy often without conceptual clarity. This study is situated in the field of economic ethics; therefore it will contribute to philosophical and more specifically ethical discourse on the concept of economic restitution. The focus of the study is on South African economic policy documents released by the government in response to current economic inequalities in the period between 1994 and 2014. Such policy documents include the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP, 1994); Growth Employment and Redistribution Programme (GEAR, 1996); Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative South Africa (AsgiSA, 2005); Industrial Policy Action Plan (IPAP, 2007) and its iterations; New Growth Path (NGP, 2010); and the National Development Plan (NDP, 2012). This study focuses on how the concept of restitution is understood in South African policy documents in the period between 1994 and 2014 in response to current economic inequalities. It identifies implicit and explicit references to the concept of economic restitution; describes the scope of the term as used in such policy documents; analyses and compares how the term restitution is understood; and indicates any emerging patterns in this regard.

This study is a contribution to the ongoing debate concerning the future of South Africa’s macro-economic policy known as the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) strategy. The study attempts to draw parallels between the GEAR macro-economic policy framework and structural adjustment programmes in the South. By making use of this comparison, the study argues that the outcome of the GEAR will be no different from structural adjustment programmes in that it will fail to reduce poverty and cause government to meet the basic needs of the people. These conclusions are drawn from the fact that the GEAR policy is premised on the faith that the market is capable of redistributing income and wealth, and providing people with their basic needs.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study has set to describe and explain the causal relationship between the process of globalisation, and that of democratisation and development in South Africa. Understanding this process required an analysis of the political and economic patterns followed, and policy choices made by state elites in South Africa, and to compare these processes with other countries that are also integrating into the global political economy. In South Africa, the dominance of the external factor on the country's socio-economic and development policy making process is exposed in this study. Analysis of the progress of South Africa's macro-economic policy (GEAR) in creating sustainable economic growth, and in linking it with the locally defined notion of 'people-based development' (as per RDP document, 1994) over a five-year period reveals firstly, that while GEAR is portrayed as both an economic and a 'people-based development' policy, it is an externally oriented policy whose ends are largely the promotion of transnational capitalist interest. The contradiction is that while a redress of development discrepancies (i.e. by providing social-welfare, health, education, clean water, electricity, transport and housing) calls for an increase in government expenditure, GEAR's fiscal stance prohibits such spending. South Africa's development policy represents a much broader and a common problem in the global socio-economic superstructure, solutions for which cannot be derived by analysing the policy of only one country, but the whole transnational political-economic system. The problems of the current global political-economic order and its development programs remains naked for all to see. Even common sense indicates that the North-South power relations are one-sided, problematic and should not be allowed to continue indefinitely as they stand. In addition, that the underdeveloped countries should continue to play an active role in global structures such as the UN, the UNOs such as UNCTAD, the WTO, and other international institutions if they are to impact on policies that govern the North-South relations. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om die verhouding tussen die proses van die ontplooiing van globalisasie, demokratisering, neo-liberalisme en sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling in Suid- Afrika, te beskryf en te verduidelik. Om hierdie verhouding te kan verstaan is 'n analise van die politiese en ekonomiese patrone wat gevolg word en beleidskeuses wat deur staatselites gemaak word, van hierdie nuwe demokratiese staat, nodig. Die oorheersing van eksterne faktore oor die Suid-Afrikaanse beleidsmaking ten opsigte van sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkelings het in die studie na vore getree. 'n Analise van die vordering van die Suid-Afrikaanse makro-ekonomiese beleid (GEAR), in die skepping van behoudbare ekonomiese groei en die skakeling daarvan met die plaaslike nosie (RDP dokument, 1994) van "mens-gebasseerde" ontwikkeling oor 'n periode van vyf jaar, het geopenbaar dat GEAR, wat voorgestel is as 'n ekonomiese en sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkelingsbeleid, terselfdetyd 'n eksterne georienteerde beleid is wat transnationale kapitalistiese belange promotiseer. Daar bestaan kontroduksie tussen die oogmerke van GEAR. Eerstens beoog GEAR die vernouing van die ontwikkelingsgaping in Suid-Afrika (deur die voorsienig van maatskaplike dienste, gesonheidsdienste, opvoeding, skoon water, elektrisiteit, vervoer en behuising) iets wat 'n verhoging van staatsuitgawes tot gevolg sal hê, terwyl GEAR se beleid sulke verhoogde uitgawes aan bande lê. Dit is voor die handliggend dat die Noord-Suid magsverhouding eensydig is, en problematies is vir ontwikkeling en moet dus nie toegelaat word om voortgesit te word nie. Verder moet onderontwikkelende lande voortdurend 'n aktiewe rol speel in globale strukture soos die UNCTAD, die WHO, die VN en ander internasionale institusies as hulle enigsins 'n impak op die beleid wat die Noord-Suid verhoudinge beheer, wil maak.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: When the African National Congress (ANC) took control of govemment in 1994, it was forced to find an economic strategy that would strike a balance between an improved level of service and maximum economic growth. The privatisation process, which had already been initiated by the previous apartheid government, was continued in order to depoliticise utilities that were contentious in terms of their allocation of scarce resources or competing resources. Privatisation is an economic transformation strategy used worldwide to provide solutions to countries' economic problems. However, within the South African context, it focuses mainly on the restructuring of state-owned assets, with the following objectives: • To reduce the state debt and to stimulate economic growth and development through the sale of state-owned assets • To re-orient and enhance the public sector's ability to meet challenges identified by the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) • To restructure the state-owned enterprises to be more efficient in their operations, while at the same time maximising their contribution to the country's economic growth. The objective of this study is to explore issues that surround privatisation - which governments should understand when planning and implementing privatisation - by studying the process of privatisation adopted in the case of the state-owned electricity monopoly, ESKOM. In a quest for detailed information, this study includes: • An analysis of the economic strategies adopted by the government • The political background to the establishment of these strategies • An analysis of ESKOM and its strategy for privatisation The following problem areas in the privatisation and restructuring of state assets have been identified in the South African economy and need more attention when embarking on privatisation of state-owned enterprises: • Effects of privatisation on the delivery of services to the poor • Conflicts in ideology between the trade unions, particularly the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) • Lessons experienced with other parastatals that have been privatised. This study has identified concerns and challenges that surround the privatisation of ESKOM, and also privatisation as a whole in South Africa. It shows that the government falls short of achieving its pre-determined objectives in the economic transformation of the country as laid down in the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) and the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) macroeconomic strategy. This alone indicates a need to revisit these strategies and align them with the economic realities facing the South African population. Differences in ideology and views between labour and the government indicate a need for an open consultative process and a clear policy that guides the restructuring of state assets so that the poor are not affected by the adverse effects of privatisation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Toe die African National Congress (ANC) in 1994 beheer oorgeneem het van die regering, was dié organisasie gedwing om 'n ekonomiese strategie te vind wat 'n balans sou handhaaf tussen 'n verbeterde diensvlak en maksimum ekonomiese groei. Die proses van privatisering, wat deur die vorige apartheid-regering geïnisieer is, was voortgesit met die doel om fasiliteite wat omstrede was in terme van die toedeling van skaars bronne of kompeterende bronne, te depolitiseer. Privatisering is 'n ekonomiese transformasie-strategie wat wêreldwyd gebruik word om oplossings vir lande se ekonomiese probleme te verskaf. Binne die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks fokus dit egter op die rekonstruksie van staatsbates, met die volgende doelstellings: • Om staatskuld te verminder en om ekonomiese groei en ontwikkeling te stimuleer deur die verkope van bates wat in besit van die staat is. • Om die openbare sektor se vermoë opnuut in te stel en te bevorder om sodoende die uitdagings wat deur die Heropbou- en Ontwikkelingsprogram (HOP) geïdentifiseer is, aan te pak. • Om staatsbates te herstruktureer sodat hulle meer doeltreffend bedryf kan word en om terselfdertyd hul bydrae tot die land se ekonomiese groei te maksimeer. Die doel van hierdie studie is om die kwessies rondom privatisering (wat regerings behoort te begryp wanneer hulle privatisering beplan en implementeer) te ondersoek deur die privatiseringsproses van ESKOM, die elektrisiteitsmonopolie in staatsbesit, te bestudeer. In die soeke na uitvoerige inligting, sluit hierdie studie die volgende in: • 'n Analise van ESKOM en sy strategie ten opsigte van privatisering • 'n Analise van die ekonomiese strategieë van die regering • Die politiese agtergrond tot die opstel van hierdie strategieë. Die volgende probleem areas rondom privatisering en herstrukturering van staatsbates in die Suid-Afrikaanse ekonomie is geïdentifiseer en het meer aandag nodig wanneer staatsbates privatiseer word: • Gevolge van privatisering op lewering van dienste aan die armes • Teenstrydige ideologieë van die vakbond federasies, veral die Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) • Lesse geleer van ander semi-staatsinstellings wat geprivatiseer is. Hierdie studie het kwellinge en uitdagings rondom die privatisering van ESKOM, asook rondom privatisering in Suid-Afrika in die geheel, geïdentifiseer. Die studie wys dat die regering nie sy doelstellings bereik het nie ten opsigte van die ekonomiese transformasie van die land soos uiteengesit in die Heropbou- en Ontwikkelingsprogram (HOP) en die Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR)- makro-ekonomiese strategie. Dit alleen dui op die noodsaaklikheid om hierdie strategieë te heroorweeg en om dit in lyn te bring met die ekonomiese realiteite wat die Suid-Afrikaanse bevolking in die gesig staar. Verskille in ideologie en sienings tussen arbeid en die regering wys op die nodigheid vir 'n oop konsulterende proses en 'n duidelike beleid wat rekonstruksie van staatsbates op so 'n manier rig dat die negatiewe gevolge van privatisering van staatsbates nie daarop impakteer nie.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / State social security transfers for families existed in South Africa only in the form of state maintenance grants, which paid up to R700 to single parents. The system was not appropriate in the South African context, being racially biased and financially unsustainable. The Department of Welfare - following in principle the recommendations of the "Lund report" - introduced with effect from 1 April 1998 a child support grant which is payable to the primary care-givers of children, regardless of their family status. The level of benefit was set at RIOOper month per child for children up to the age of six (incl.). The Department declared that 48% or 3 million children should be targeted. At the same time, the SMGs are to be phased out over a three year period. This research was conducted between November 1995 and March 1998. The analysis of the different suggestions during the policy process and the final policy is based on two pillars: • A situation analysis of the living conditions of South Africa's children on the basis of a composite index. • An evaluation of policy scenarios on the basis of a microsimulation model. The index tries to give a complex picture of the living conditions of children by looking at the financial situation, housing, health, and employment opportunities of the households the children are living in. The analysis reveals that nearly 70% of South Africa's children up to the age of six (incl.) live below the poverty line as defined. A further analysis of the household structure indicates that poorer children are likely to live in larger households. The overall policy shift from a support of single parent families to children in poverty regardless of their family status is espoused. However, the microsimulation model which analyses the impact of different factors like the 'level of benefit', the 'age-cohort', the 'means-test', and the 'administrative requirements', reveals that there are still serious flaws in the current policy. Due to the fact that the means-test is based on the total household income, nearly 40% of the children living below the poverty line are excluded. In addition, the administration needs urgent attention as its capacity is the decisive factor in the success of the programme. The thesis calculates that in the next five years up to R2 billion less will be spent on poor children and the goal of reaching 3 million children will not be achieved, if the problems identified are not addressed. The thesis develops an alternative suggestion to the current policy. While microsimulation has become quite a standard procedure in the analysis of social policies in industrialised countries, there is so far no application in developing countries. It is hoped that by taking this policy analysis as a case-study, this thesis is a step towards the introduction of this method here. Microsimulation models provide important information to enhance the transparency and accountability of policy processes. In this case, civil society was able to challenge Government's decision on a very informed basis, to put pressure on decision makers successfully, and to make workable alternative suggestions. Furthermore, the analysis reveals that against Government's promise redistribution does not take place. Instead a shift towards a more neo-liberal approach in social policy is observed.

In this thesis the feasibility of making social transfers conditional in South Africa is examined with specific focus on the Child Support Grant. Currently, there are more than 8.7 million children receiving Child Support Grants, which is impacting positively on poverty alleviation. Yet, social outcomes, especially in health and education are poor. The conditionality of transfers will compel the parents/guardians of these children to ensure that the children regularly attend school and also utilise the health services. Conditional cash transfers, by their nature, attempt to address the low demand for these services, which are available but are not being utilised. The National Income Dynamic Study (NIDS) is employed to test empirically whether it will be feasible to institute conditionality to the CSG. The methodology adopted is to determine if there is any statistically significant difference (education and health outcomes) between the recipients of the CSG with non-recipients of the CSG. Moreover, the population (as extrapolated from the sample) is separated into four groups, namely, children that qualify and receive the grant (QR), children that qualify and do not receive the grant (QNR), children that do not qualify and receive the grant (NQR) and children that do not qualify and do not receive the grant (NQNR). Subsequently, educational and health outcomes are compared between these groups to determine if there is any statistically significant difference between them. The results demonstrate that school attendance is high among children, and there is no significant difference in school attendance between the recipients and non-recipients of the CSG; as well as between the QR, QNR, NQR and NQNR. Moreover, there is no substantial difference in education outcomes (grade repetition) between the recipients and non-recipients of the CSG; as well as between the four groups. Similar results are found for health where there is no statistically significant difference between the groups regarding utilisation of health services as well as health outcomes. Therefore, conditionality of the CSG would not be feasible, as it does not address the causes of poor health and education outcomes, which are mainly due to supply-side deficiencies. Government should rather strengthen current poverty alleviation policies which seem to be impacting positively on poverty reduction. / Economics / D. Com (Economics)

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This case study examines the implications of globalisation for business-government relations in South Africa since 1990. The study proposes that business, bolstered by globalisation, is increasingly gaining influence in the policy process of South Africa. The unfolding era of neo-liberalism has ushered in an enormous surge in the power of capital and a decline in the organization and influence of labour. This surge in relative power has allowed the South African business community, to impose its own discipline on government and to narrow the sphere of public decisions. Fear ofloss of competitiveness, in attracting capital, both domestic and international, has forced government to make their policies increasingly capital-friendly rather than responding to popular will or broad social interest. The study establishes the features of globalisation and South Africa's position within this process through an analysis of the relationship between the ANC and business that developed in South Africa between 1990 and 1994, and later facilitated the ANC's acceptance of a neo-liberal macroeconomic strategy in 1996. By analysing; firstly, the influence of business within the policy-making process since 1996, and secondly, the influence of business in the outcomes of government's black economic empowerment strategy, the study shows that business has attempted to optimise its position vis-a-vis the currents of globalisation. The study concludes that the working partnership between business and government, established in terms of the BEE strategy is based on the mutual need of each other, as both government and business face the brutal capriciousness of foreign investment, the major challenge posed by globalisation. The South African business community is however in a unique position with respect to South Africa's ongoing transformation. Within the post-apartheid context, and South Africa's reconfigured power equation between government and business, globalisation would appear to give corporate South Africa added leverage over its rival social partners in the tug-of-war over the terms of development. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie gevalle-studie bestudeer die implikasies van globalisasie vir besigheidregering verhoudings in Suid-Afrika vanaf 1990. Die studie stel voor dat besigheid, aangehelp deur globalisasie, toenemend invloed verkry in die beleidsproses in Suid- Afrika. Die nuwe era van neo-liberalisme het 'n groot toevloei in die mag van kapitaal binne gesien en 'n afname in die organisasie en invloed van arbeid. Die beweging van relatiewe mag het die Suid-Afrikaanse besigheids-gemeenskap toegelaat om sy eie dissipline op die regering op te lê, en om die sfeer van openbare besluite te vernou. Die vrees van verlies van mededinging in die aantrekking van kapitaal, beide plaaslik en internasionaal, het die regering gedwing om hul beleide toenemend kapitaalvriendelik te maak, eerder as om te reageer op populêre wilskrag of breë sosiale belang. Die studie bevestig die kenmerke van globalisasie sowel as Suid-Afrika se posisie in hierdie proses. Dit word bepaal deur 'n analise van die verhouding tussen die ANC en ondernemings wat tussen 1990 en 1994 in Suid-Afrika ontwikkel het en later deur die ANC se aanvaarding van 'n neo-liberale makro-ekonomies strategie in 1996, gefasiliteer is. Deur eerste die invloed van besigheid binne die beleidmakings-proses vanaf 1996 te analiseer en tweedens te kyk na die invloed van besigheid in die uitkoms van die regering se swart ekonomiese bemagtings strategie (BEE) wys die studie dat besigheid probeer het om sy posisie deur die vloei van globalisasie te optimiseer. Die studie sluit af met die erkende vennootskap tussen besighede en die regering. Hierdie vernootskap is gevestig op die terme van die BEE strategie, wat gebasseer is op wedersydse belang, want beide die regering en besighede staar die brutale wispelturigheid van buitelandse belegging in die gesig. Hierdie groot uitdaging word deur globalisasie voortgebring. Die Suid-Afrikaanse besigheidsgemeentskap is in 'n unieke posisie, in die sin van Suid-Afrika se voortgaande transformasie. Binne die post-apartheid konteks en Suid-Afrika se hergestruktueerde mags verhouding tussen die regering en besighede, wil dit voorkom asof globalisasie die besigheids-sfeer van Suid-Afrika 'n toename van mag oor sy mededingende sosiale vennote te gee, in die konflik oor die terme van ontwikkeling.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The research report investigates the theoretical foundation of the understanding of decision-makers at local government level of the term "development", with specific reference to local government as development agent and Local Economic Development. The choice of theoretical model by these decision-makers to conceptualise their understanding has historical and analytical antecedents, and secondly, the decision-maker is faced with a basic dualism in developmental thinking, ie. the emphasis on universalism (global competitiveness) on the one hand and the need for specificity (local economic development) on the other. The theoretical principles and assumptions on which the neoliberal and market-orientated approach to development is based are incorporated in the macroeconomic policy approach 'Growth, Employment and Redistribution' in South Africa. This approach has recently overshadowed the social welfarist developmental approach represented by the 'Reconstruction and Development Program' or Sustainable Human Development. The basis for specific policy formulation and intervention strategies are found in the theoretical assumptions, goals and objectives in each of these alternate approaches to development. The research design for the study is primarily qualitative. A semi-structured interview schedule is applied in directing in-depth interviews with identified central decisionmakers in metropolitan and larger "B" municipalities. The research design and process is constructed around three themes based on current and historic analysis of development thinking as a means to address poverty and inequality: theme 1 - theoretical understanding of the term development, Economic Growth in the formal sector versus Sustainable Human Development; theme 2 - the nature and relevance of participation by civil society in the Local Economic Development (LEO) process; and theme 3- Local Economic Development and the role of infrastructure investment, land use planning and zoning as intervention strategy. A benchmark position is developed on local government as development agent and LEO, using various sources, for example, interview with Director-General in the Department of Provincial and Local Government dealing with Local Economic Development, the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa and legislative acts and policy papers relevant to LED. This position is compared with the position held by local government decision-makers dealing with LED. The analysis of the information collected suggests that the theoretical perspective and policy framework on development, participation and strategies to address inequality and poverty, ie Sustainable Human Development (researchers title) held by the Department of Provincial and Local Government (DPLG) is not compatible with the definition and understanding of the majority of the decision-makers at local government level dealing directly with LED. The notion of participative development with anti-poverty strategies focussed on poor urban citizenry at the local level is not seen as the relevant theoretical or applied focus by developmental decision-makers at municipal level. In addition, limited knowledge is available to local government decision-makers on both formal and informal economic activity. In this regard, de facto leadership has already been handed over to formal-economy organisations and institutions. The idea of using land-use planning and zoning regulations to reorientate economic activity to low- and informal housing settlements and the reconstitution of low-and informal housing as sites of manufacture utilising flexible specialisation principles was positively received. However, the respondents were either not knowledgeable about these principles, for example; Globalisation of production and flexible production processes, or had not considered them in relation to their planning, land use or zoning and development functions. In the light of the above, the notion of local government as development agent with specific reference to addressing poverty and inequality utilising the Local Economic Development process as envisaged by the Department of Provincial and Local Government does not have the majority support of decision-makers at city and metro level. The majority of respondents defined the process of consultation as limited to formal economic sectors that were/could be competitive in the new global economy. The majority of decision-makers hold the view that the redefinition and location of sites of economic activity could be delegated to these formal sector organisations and institutions. Their common understanding of development and the related intervention strategies was based on formal sector growth and related job creation strategies, as well as the "trickle-down" of resources and opportunities to the informal sector. If they wish to remain relevant in this context the Department of Provincial and Local Government has to develop intervention strategies to reorientate and redefine the theoretical and applied definition of development held by the decision-makers especially with regard to Local Economic Development. If these issues are not addressed the form and shape of South Africa cities and metros will be based on the entrenchment and escalation of economic dualism and exclusion of the poor from any developmental decision-making and strategies. This has serious implications for the development of local democracies and developmental institutions based on the formulation and understanding of local conditions and circumstances of poverty and inequality and holds serious implications for social stability in the South African metros and municipalities in the future. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die navorsingsverslag ondersoek die teoretiese begronding van die begrip wat besluitnemers op plaaslike regeringsvlak het van die term "ontwikkeling "met spesifieke verwysing na plaaslike regering as ontwikkelingsagent en Plaaslike Ekonomiese Ontwikkeling. Die keuse van teoretiese modelle deur hierdie besluitnemers het historiese en analitiese voorlopers en tweedens, word die besluitnemer in die gesig gestaar deur 'n basiese dualisme in ontwikkelingsdenke, die klem op universalisme (globale kompeterendheid) aan die een kant en die behoefte aan spesifiekheid (plaaslike ekonomiese ontwikkeling) aan die ander kant. Die teoretiese beginsels en aannames waarop die neoliberale en markgeorienteerde benaderings tot ontwikkeling berus, word gei"nkorporeer in die makro-ekonomiese benadering "Groei, Werkverskaffing en Herverdeling" (GEAR) in Suid Afrika. Hierdie benadering het onlangs die sosiale welsynsontwikkelingsbenadering, wat verleenwoordig is deur die "Heropbou en Ontwikkelingsprogram" (HOP) of Volhoubare Menslike Ontwikkeling, in die skadu gestel. Die basis vir spesifieke beleidsvorming en intervensiestrategiee word gevind in die teoretiese aannames, doelwitte en doelstellings in elk van hierdie altematiewe benaderings tot ontwikkeling. Die navorsingsontwerp vir hierdie studie is primer kwalitatief. 'n Semi-gestruktureerde onderhoudskedule word toegepas am rigting te gee aan in-diepte onderhoude met geidentifiseerde sentrale besluitnemers in metropolitaanse en groter "B" munisipaliteite. Die navorsingsontwerp en proses is gekonstrueer rondom drie temas wat gebaseer is op huidige en historiese analise van ontwikkelingsdenke as 'n manier waarop armoede en ongelykheid aangespreek kan word: tema 1 - teoretiese begrip van die term ontwikkeling, ekonomiese groei in die formele sektor teenoor Volhoubare Menslike Ontwikkeling; tema 2 - die aard en relevansie van deelname deur die siviele samelewing en die Plaaslike Ekonomiese Ontwikkelingsproses (PEO); en tema 3 - Plaaslike Ekonomiese Ontwikkeling en die rol van infrastruktuurbelegging, grondgebruikbeplaning en sonering as 'n intervensie-strategie. 'n Beginpuntposisie word ontwikkel oar plaaslike regering en PEO deur gebruik te maak van verskeie bronne, byvoorbeeld, onderhoude met die Direkteur-Generaal in die Deparlement van Provinsiale en Plaaslike Regering gemoeid met Plaaslike Ekonomiese Ontwikkeling (PEO) , die Grondwet van die Republiek van Suid Afrika en wetgewing en beleidskrifte relevant tot PEO. Hierdie posisie word vergelyk met die posisie wat ingeneem word deur plaaslike regeringsbestuurbesluitnemers gemoeid met PEO. Die analise van die inligting wat ingesamel is suggereer dat die teoretiese perspektief en beleidsraamwerk oor ontwikkeling, deelname en strategiee om ongelykheid en armoede aan te spreek, die Volhoubare Menslike Ontwikkeling (navorserstitel) wat gehuldig word deur die Departement van Provinsiale en Plaaslike Regering (DPPR) nie versoenbaar is met die definisie en begrip van die meerderheid van die besluitnemers op plaaslike regeringsvlak wat direk gemoeid is met PEO nie. Die idee van deelnemende ontwikkeling met anti-armoede strategiee wat gefokus is op arm stedelike burgers op plaaslike vlak word nie deur die ontwikkelingsbesluitnemers op munisipale vlak beskou as die relevante oftoegepaste fokus nie. Bykomend is beperkte kennis tot beskikking van plaaslike regeringsbesluitnemers oor beide formele en informele ekonomiese aktiwiteite. In hierdie verband is de facto leierskap alreeds oorhandig aan formele ekonomiese organisasies en instellings. Die idee van die gebruik van grondgebruik- en soneringsregulasies om ekonomiese aktiwiteite tot lae en informele behuisingsnedersetfings te herorienteer en die hersamestelling van lae en informele behuising as plekke vir vervaardiging deur gebruik te maak van buigbare spesialiseringsbeginsels is goed ontvang. Die respondente was egter nie ingelig oor hierdie beginsels, of hulle het weggelaat om hierdie beginsels in berekening te bring by hul beplanning, grondgebruik of sonering en ontwikkelingsfunksies. In die lig van bogenoemde het die idee van plaaslike regering as ontwikkelingsagent met spesifieke verwysing tot die aanspreek van armoede en ongelykheid, deur gebruik te maak van die Plaaslike Ekonomiese Ontwikkelingsproses, soos in die vooruitsig gestel deur die Departement van Provinsiale en Plaaslike Regering, nie die meerderheidsteun van besluitnemers op staats- en metrovlak nie. Die meerderheid van die respondente het die proses van beraadslaging gedefinieer as beperk tot die formele ekonomiese sektore wat kompeterend was of kan wees in die nuwe globale ekonomie. Die meerderheid van hierdie besluitnemers is van mening dat die herdefiniering en plasing van plekke van ekonomiese aktiwiteite gedelegeer kan word aan hierdie formele sektororganisasies en instellings. Hierdie gedeelde begrip van ontwikkeling en verbandhoudende intervensie-strategiee was gebaseer op groei in die formele sektor en verbandhoudende werkskeppingstrategiee, asook die "afsyfering" van bronne en geleenthede na die informele sektor. As dit hul wens is om in hierdie konteks relevant te bly, moet die Oepartement van Provinsiale en Plaaslike Regering intervensiestrategiee ontwikkel om die teoretiese en toegepaste definisie van ontwikkeling, wat gehuldig word deur besluitnemers, veral met betrekking tot Plaaslike Ekonomiese Ontwikkeling te herorienteer en te herdefineer. Indien hierdie aangeleenthede nie aangespreek word nie sal die vorm en fatsoen van Suid-Afrikaanse stede en metros gebaseer wees op die verskansing en uitbreiding van ekonomiese dualisme en die uitsluiting van die armes van enige ontwikkelingsbesluitneming en strategie. Oit het ernstige implikasies vir die ontwikkeling van plaaslike demokrasie en ontwikkelingsinstellings gebaseer op die formulering en begrip van plaaslike toestande en omstandighede van armoede en ongelykheid en hou ernstige implikasies in vir die sosiale stabiliteit in die Suid-Afrikaanse metros en munisipaliteite in die toekoms.

In this thesis the feasibility of making social transfers conditional in South Africa is examined with specific focus on the Child Support Grant. Currently, there are more than 8.7 million children receiving Child Support Grants, which is impacting positively on poverty alleviation. Yet, social outcomes, especially in health and education are poor. The conditionality of transfers will compel the parents/guardians of these children to ensure that the children regularly attend school and also utilise the health services. Conditional cash transfers, by their nature, attempt to address the low demand for these services, which are available but are not being utilised. The National Income Dynamic Study (NIDS) is employed to test empirically whether it will be feasible to institute conditionality to the CSG. The methodology adopted is to determine if there is any statistically significant difference (education and health outcomes) between the recipients of the CSG with non-recipients of the CSG. Moreover, the population (as extrapolated from the sample) is separated into four groups, namely, children that qualify and receive the grant (QR), children that qualify and do not receive the grant (QNR), children that do not qualify and receive the grant (NQR) and children that do not qualify and do not receive the grant (NQNR). Subsequently, educational and health outcomes are compared between these groups to determine if there is any statistically significant difference between them. The results demonstrate that school attendance is high among children, and there is no significant difference in school attendance between the recipients and non-recipients of the CSG; as well as between the QR, QNR, NQR and NQNR. Moreover, there is no substantial difference in education outcomes (grade repetition) between the recipients and non-recipients of the CSG; as well as between the four groups. Similar results are found for health where there is no statistically significant difference between the groups regarding utilisation of health services as well as health outcomes. Therefore, conditionality of the CSG would not be feasible, as it does not address the causes of poor health and education outcomes, which are mainly due to supply-side deficiencies. Government should rather strengthen current poverty alleviation policies which seem to be impacting positively on poverty reduction. / Economics / D. Com (Economics)