Univ., Diss./98--Zürich, 1997.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Nos últimos anos, a literatura em torno da Justiça Transicional vem direcionando seu foco para os efeitos dos mecanismos utilizados em sociedades pós-conflitos, sejam eles de natureza judicial, sejam, sobretudo, extrajudicial, com vista à consolidação da democracia e à efetividade dos Direitos Humanos. Tal investigação tem por objetivo verificar o nível de contribuição desses mecanismos de Justiça Transicional para o fortalecimento dos Direitos Humanos e da Democracia, nos casos concretos de Uganda e Guatemala. Nesse âmbito, a pesquisa realizou-se com base nos dados sobre os países supracitados, colhidos em plataformas internacionais de dados.

Orientador: Maria Lygia Quartim de Moraes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T20:55:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 HerreraRivera_Kenia_M.pdf: 1058175 bytes, checksum: 60f63fadb033aedeb725ae73a7de7a85 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Há uma presença e protagonismo crescente das mulheres indígenas na América Latina nas lutas e reivindicações relacionadas com diversas problemáticas sociais. No entanto, pouco se tem de produção escrita na qual essas mulheres manifestem, com voz própria, o que para elas significou ou significa sua participação nessas lutas . Neste sentido, o presente estudo centra-se na produção de pensamentos, perspectivas, reivindicações e lutas das mulheres mayas da Guatemala e aymara da Bolívia, na época atual. Os seus seus interesses e reivindicações de prioridade com base em suas experiências e na interpretação que elas têm de suas próprias realidades, são examinados Os dois eixos temáticos principais são os direitos individuais das mulheres e direitos culturais coletivas. Ambos tipos de direitos estão interligados no caso das mulheres indígenas, devido a sua condição de gênero, bem como por sua identidade étnica, mas como se demonstra no estudo, o trenzado de relações de poder abrange outros tipos de relacionamentos (de classe ou geracional, por exemplo) que podem produzir conflitos de interesse para as mulheres indígenas e os conflitos com seus colegas do mesmo grupo étnico. Para o movimento feminista atual, é preciso compreender em que sentido o gênero e a diversidade cultural afeta o pleno exercício da cidadania para as mulheres indígenas. O seja, não se analisa a situação das mulheres indígenas frente à cultura dominante (mestiça ou não indígena), mas sim, sua condição de atoras sociais dentro dos movimentos que lutam para fazer valer os seus direitos como mulheres indígenas, em seus respectivos entornos / Abstract: There exists a growing presence of and role for Latin American indigenous woman in the struggles and affirmations related to diverse social issues. However, there is limited written production in which said women manifest themselves, through their own voice, expressing what their participation in these struggles implies or signifies for them. This study focuses on the creation of thoughts, perspectives, claims and struggles by Mayan women from Guatemala and Aymaras from Boliva, in present times. Their prioritized interests and demands are examined based upon their experiences and the interpretation that they have of their own realities. The two main themes are individual rights and collective cultural rights. These both types of rights are intertwined in the case of indigenous women because of their gender and ethnic identities. Furthermore, as is demonstrated in this study, the intertwine of relations of power encompass other types of relationships (class and generational, for example), that can lead to the production of conflicts of interest for indigenous women and also conflicts with peers of the same ethnic group. For today¿s feminist movement, it is necessary to understand in what sense gender and cultural diversity affects the full exercise of citizenship for these indigenous women. In other words, this does not mean analysis of the situation of these women from the point of view of the dominant culture (landino/mestizo) but rather their status as social actors within movements of social change to make validate their rights as indigenous women in their respective environments / Mestrado / Sociologia / Mestra em Sociologia

Ce mémoire porte sur le cas du Guatemala où furent signés en 1996, les accords de paix mettant fin à trente-six ans de conflit armé. Dès lors, se sont multipliés les politiques et programmes de développement se donnant pour objectif la construction d'une société démocratique et respectueuse de la diversité. S'appuyant sur un cadre théorique d'économie politique féministe et sur une perspective critique du développement, ce mémoire s'attarde aux actions de développement sur les femmes mayas. Recourant également à une approche historique et se penchant sur les dimensions structurelle et locale de la situation à l'étude, l'auteure avance l'hypothèse selon laquelle le dispositif de développement élaboré au cours de la dernière décennie contribue à exacerber le clivage entre populations mayas et ladina. L'analyse suggère que malgré certains changements positifs pour les femmes mayas, une inadéquation entre les priorités de ces dernières et les actions mises en place grâce à l'appui de différences agences de développement continue d'exister.

Titre de l'écran-titre (visionné le 10 octobre 2023) / Ce mémoire s'articule autour d'une exploration ethnographique d'un groupe de femmes Maya Kaqchikel guatémaltèques dans leurs démarches de création d'une organisation locale de défense des droits humains ayant pour but de favoriser un meilleur accès à la justice et contribuer à la pleine réalisation des droits humains des femmes au sein de la communauté locale. En s'appuyant sur le concept des subjectivités politiques, cette recherche vise à explorer les stratégies de représentation employées par ce groupe de femmes en vue de trouver un écho - de résonner - tant auprès de la communauté locale que des bailleurs de fonds occidentaux. Les données ont été recueillies au moyen des méthodes de l'observation participante, d'entretiens semi-dirigés et de récits de vie. L'analyse des données a été réalisée simultanément et de concert avec certain-e-s participant-e-s. Les réflexions avancées dans ce mémoire invitent à plonger dans les dimensions multiples et complexes des subjectivités politiques et à approfondir les connaissances sur l'expression des droits humains dans un contexte d'activisme local et situé. / This thesis is based on an ethnographic exploration of a group of Guatemalan Maya Kaqchikel women in their pursuit of creating a human rights organization aimed at improving local women's access to justice and the full realization of their human rights. It engages with the concept of political subjectivities to explore how these women are presenting themselves and their organizational missions to conform at once to the expectations of potential Western funders and those of the local Indigenous community. Participant observation, semi-structured interviewing and life history interviewing were used to gather data and analysis was conducted simultaneously while implicating participants. Ultimately, this thesis contributes to shedding light on grassroots human rights activism and the complex and multifaceted dynamics of political subjectivities. / Esta tesis se basa en una exploración etnográfica de un grupo de mujeres maya kaqchikeles guatemaltecas en su intento de crear una organización de derechos humanos destinada a mejorar el acceso de las mujeres de la comunidad a la justicia y la plena realización de sus derechos humanos. A partir del concepto de subjetividades políticas, esta investigación pretende explorar las estrategias de representación que este grupo de mujeres utiliza para cumplir a la vez con las expectativas de potenciales financiadores occidentales y con las expectativas de la comunidad indígena local. La recolección de datos se llevó a cabo por medio de observaciones participantes, entrevistas semiestructuradas e entrevistas de historias de vida y los datos se analizaron simultáneamente y en colaboración con algunxs de lxs participantes. La investigación nos invita a ahondar en las múltiples y complejas dimensiones de las subjetividades políticas y a profundizar en el conocimiento de la expresión de los derechos humanos en un contexto de activismo local y situado.

El cambio climático es uno de los desafíos más grandes de la Tierra en al Antropoceno. A pesar de los esfuerzos internacionales intergubernamentales en base a la Convención Marco de las Naciones Unidas sobre el Cambio Climático de estabilizar las concentraciones de los gases de efecto invernadero e impedir interferencias antropógenas peligrosas en el sistema climático, un cuarto de un siglo después de Rio un aumento importante en la temperatura promedia anual es considerado inevitable. Aunque la mitigación del cambio climático históricamente ha dominado el debate científico y político, su éxito moderado ha entregado el papel protagonista a la adaptación a los efectos del cambio climático. El hecho de que la adaptación necesita dirigirse no solamente al sistema ecológico, sino también al sistema social y económico añade otro grado de dificultad al logro del objetivo. Por otro lado dicha condición brinda oportunidades precisas para un desarrollo sostenible e integral propulsado por varias disciplinas. Sin embargo, en la mayoría de los casos no es el reto que condena al fracaso, sino nuestra ignorancia de las reglas de juego: La carencia de líneas base de las condiciones ambientales y socioeconómicas de nuestros complejos sistemas socioecológicos, y el desconocimiento de las interacciones que gobiernan su funcionamiento. Este déficit es aún más eminente en países en desarrollo que no se benefician de una amplia capacidad financiera, humana e institucional, y cuyos poblaciones y ecosistemas cuentan con una elevada vulnerabilidad ante el cambio climático. El presente estudio aporta a la creación de conocimiento del sistema socioecológico del altiplano occidental de Guatemala, en particular su población indígena Maya k’iche’ y su cobertura forestal única en el municipio Totonicapán, con el fin de proporcionar oportunidades de adaptación y de un desarrollo sostenible en el futuro.

This study is focused in a Guatemalan small village, Loma Linda, and on the local association ASODILL that is working for sustainable agriculture and alternative employment possibilities.   Many rural areas throughout the world, including Guatemala, have been exposed to neglect by the government, political exclusion, and socioeconomic inequalities. The civil war that roared in Guatemala from 1960 to 1996 left behind psychological suffering, mistrust for the government, socioeconomic weakening and infrastructural destruction. Currently Guatemala suffers from rural poverty, environmental destruction and from an unaccountable state prioritizing economic before an environmentally sound alternative development. Presently, pesticides are encouraged by the Guatemalan government and sold below the market price.  The pesticides are, however, destroying the soil and decreasing soil fertility to the point that it turns unusable for agriculture. There have been records of farmers protesting demanding change: requiring the government to halt environmental damaging actions and financial assistance for sustainable agriculture. I am examining if the local association, ASODILL, has contributed to a social, political and economic empowerment through their main objectives of sustainable agriculture and increasing employment alternatives Loma Linda. John Friedmanns Empowerment theory is the main helping device for understanding the empowerment effects of ASODILL in the village better. Ethnography as interpersonal method enabled me to construct a view on how the village has generally changed through the association, by participatory observation and interviews. The conclusion suggests that the association, through its work for sustainable development, has contributed to a social empowerment. This is mainly because Loma Linda already has the necessary prerequisites. With a stable social infrastructure ASODILLs external networking and expansion made the association grow which included them in a wider political community that aims for similar objective and thereby are politically empowered. The association has not yet achieved any economic empowerment.  If a long-term empowerment is to be achieved the Guatemalan government must start to take the farmers political demand seriously or there is a risk that the local prosperity will not be long lasted.

Human rights violations are becoming a matter of growing concern in areas where extractive industry development is occurring. The problem is especially acute in the Global South, particularly in Latin America where there has been a mining boom occurring since the late 1990s, and is leading to escalating conflicts between mines and the communities hosting them. Corporate social responsibility (CSR) has become an increasingly applied norm in the extractive industry in recent years as companies have faced growing criticisms regarding human rights violations. The thesis will examine one tool of CSR – a human rights impact assessment (HRIA) and examine the effectiveness of the HRIA conducted by Goldcorp to address the communities’ allegations of human rights violations at its Marlin mine in Guatemala.

This study has aimed at examining the nature and function of the support and protection that is offered and provided to human rights defenders trough a selected few international as well as regional human rights instruments and mechanisms, among them the Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, the EU Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders as well as the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and the Inter-American Court on Human Rights. In order to conduct such a study in a fairly limited and concrete way a number of cases were selected of human rights defenders who have undergone or are currently undergoing criminal prosecution and are incarcerated in Guatemala. The selection was based on the notion that apart from murder, criminal prosecution and incarceration of human rights defenders constitutes one of the most harmful and effective ways to actively hinder the continuance of valuable human rights work. Consequently, it impedes the promotion, implementation and protection of human rights on a general level. In regards to this States such as Guatemala have found ways to circumvent their international human rights duties by allowing others or themselves to label human rights defenders as criminal and violent actors, thus taking away the legitimate aspect of their roles and functions when it comes to promoting and safeguarding the enjoyment and exercise of human rights. The examined cases were meant to shed light on the situation for defenders in Guatemala but most importantly they were meant to illustrate a context in which one can examine the role and function that international human rights instruments and mechanisms have to combat such types of situations. The study found that although the concerned instruments and mechanisms such as the Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, the EU-guidelines on Human Rights Defenders, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and the Inter-American Court on Human Rights have a positive, important and impacting role in providing support to human rights defenders they have not yet reached/obtained the function of preventing persecution of human rights defenders, most notably of the legal kind. Since these mechanisms can only recommend but not force States to recognize and treat advocates of rights as “human rights defenders” their role and function for this specific purpose becomes less effective. All is not negative however, and the instruments and mechanisms that exist today are an illustration of the ambitions of States to follow international human rights principles and standards, at least to some extent.