Estudi i edició crítica de les Històries troianes, traducció catalana del s. XIV, obra del protonotari Jaume Conesa, de la Historia destructionis Troiae de Guido delle Colonne. Repàs de les principals fites de la matèria troiana, des de la tradició homérica i fins a l’època medieval. Recopilació de dades y aportació de nova informació sobre el traductor. Dades sobre la identitat de Pere Sescomes, possible protraductor. Descripció del context en què sorgí la traducció: La Cancelleria reial del rei Pere el Cerimoniós. Seguiment de la transmissió de l’obra segons els testimonis localitzats en inventaris o altres documents. Influència que exercí la traducció en altres obres literàries, principalment en el Tirant lo Blanch, el Curial e Güelfa o en les proses mitològiques de Joan Roís de Corella. Descripció dels testimonis manuscrits, anàlisi de variants significatives i proposta de stemma. Caracterització del model subjacent a la traducció, és a dir, aproximació al que degué ser el manuscrit llatí de partida. Anàlisi traductològica (mètode i tècniques aplicades). Valoració dels resultats i conclusions. Edició crítica (en volum 2) a partir de la collatio de tots els manuscrits conservats i l’acarament amb l’obra llatina, acompanyada de glossari final i del corresponent aparat crític de variants (volum 3).

No description available.

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This study presents a psychoanalytic examination of Guido Reni's motivations for creating an innovative painting series of St. Joseph and the Christ Child. The seventeenth-century artist developed a new depiction of Joseph as the tender and loving surrogate father of Christ. This new artistic emphasis on the intimate relationship between father and son reveals Reni's own psychological need to create a replacement father. Indeed, contemporary biographers report that Reni suffered from anxiety and an aversion to women throughout his life. These odd behavioral traits appear to have stemmed from Reni's lack of a supportive father figure. Thus, the artist created a symbolic artistic substitute of Joseph, who was himself a replacement figure for God, in order to fill this void in his own life.

Vollst. zugl.: Marburg, Univ., Diss., 2007

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 1903.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 1903.

Tese (livre-docencia) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T22:44:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rego_WalquiriaGertrudesDominguesLeao_LD.pdf: 4285206 bytes, checksum: c084268ba1e2069dd7278da9a943e623 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1999 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed / Tese (livre-docencia) - Univer / Livre-Docente em Sociologia

L’ordre hospitalier du Saint-Esprit a eu l’Hôpital du Saint-Esprit de Rome pour maison centrale en 1208. Il est né à Montpellier vers 1188, fondé par Gui probable frère cadet de Guilhem VIII, qui lui donna ses Institutions et le développa en lien avec le commerce de la ville et les alliances des Guilhems, Aragon et Bourgogne, avant même d’obtenir d’Innocent IIIla protection pontificale en 1198. Ne pouvant obtenir une église à Montpellier, l’ordre fut finalement institué en 1204 par Innocent III dans l’église Sainte Marie in Saxia de Rome, avec union de la maison de Montpellier et de l’hôpital que le pape y fonda alors. Sa règle fortement inspirée de celle de Saint Jean de Jérusalem instituait un accueil généraliste, la sortie en ville à la recherche des malades et une communauté mixte, dans un mode de vie reconnu par Innocent III régulier sans être monastique ni canonial. Les abus des partisans du comte de Toulouse à partir des privilèges amenèrent la désunion des maisons en 1217 et un laborieux processus de réorganisation dans un contexte d’avancée du contrôle royal dans le Midi. La connaissance de l’expansion dans l’espace de la France actuelle pâtit du manque de sources et de nombreux faux accumulés à l’instigation de l’Etat royal aux XVII e et XVIII e siècles. L’ordre n’y comptait que trente-cinq hôpitaux et quelques annexes. Son développement fut bloqué par les conflits entre le Siège Apostolique et les couronnes de France et d’Aragon, mais il fut important dans l’Empire et réel dans les territoires Plantagenêt. A la fin du XIII e siècle il était toujours un modèle, sans participation connue de ses religieux aux dérives joachimites. / The Holy Ghost Hospital of Rome was given to the Hospitaller Order of the Holy Ghost as central house in 1208. This order appeared in 1198 in Montpellier, founded by Gui probably younger brother of Guilhem VIII, who gave it its Institutions and developed it linked with the city trade and Guilhems alliances, Aragon and Burgundy, before he obtained from Innocent III the pontifical protection. As he could not obtain a church in Montpellier, the order was finally instituted in 1204 by Innocent III in the church of Saint Mary in Saxia of Rome, at once with union of both Montpellier's house and hospital that the pope founded there and then. Its rule, strongly influenced by Knights Hospitaller's own rule, instituted a general welcome, rounds in town searching for sick people and a mixed community, in a way of life recognized by Innocent III as regular but distinct from monks or canons proper rules. The partisans of the counts of Toulouse committed misuses on the pretext of the privileges, which brought houses disunity in 1217 and an arduous process of reorganization in the context of royal control advancement across southern France. The knowledge of expansion in the area of present France suffers from the lack of sources and from many false documents accumulated at instigation of Royal State during XVII and XVIII centuries. Theorder counted then only thirty-five hospitals and a few annexes. Its development has been jammed with conflicts between the Holy See and the kingdoms of France and Aragon, but remained significant in the Empire and actual in Plantagenet territories. In the end of XIII century it was still a model, without any participation known to Joachimites drifts.

This study presents a comparative approach between the time of the Belgic Confession and of the Korean Church under Japanese rule. Both the early Low Countries and Korea received Protestantism through martyrdom and persecution. During the sixteen century the Low Countries were under the Spanish rule. The Low Countries were deeply influenced by the Reformation. Many historians have noted that the people in the Low Countries suffered persecutions on the basis of their nationality and religious beliefs by the Roman Catholic Church and the Spanish government. The heroes of the Low Countries were William of Orange, the political leader of his native country, and Guido de Bres a religious leader. William of Orange, and his son, Maurice of Orange, accomplished their country’s political independence with outstanding leadership. Guido de Bres was a travelling preacher who preached the gospel in the Low Countries. He drafted the Belgic Confession. It is authorized as one of the most wonderful Reformed confessions. Korea received the gospel through the Western missionary R. J. Thmoas. Korea was under Japanese rule since the end of the nineteen century. Korean Christianity helped the Korean people when the Koreans were oppressed. From the late 1920s, the Japanese forced Koreans in Shinto Shrine Worship. Shinto Shrine Worship was the worship of the King of Japan. The Korean people could not accept Shinto Shrine Worship. Korean Christians judged Shinto Shrine Worship to be idol worship and opposed it. However, Korean Protestants abandoned their faith, due to the Japanese’ threat of military power. Some pastors resisted Shinto Shrine Worship. Pastor Joo Ki-Chul was a leader of the resistance and died for his faith. There are similarities and differences between the struggle of the Low Countries and Korea. Both the early Low Countries and early Korean Church produced spiritual martyrs like Guido de Bres and Joo Ki-Chul. They were martyrs, patriots and preachers. In both countries Christians faced horrible persecutions by the ruling tyrants. But while the Low Countries struggled for their independence to the end, most Korean Christians had to desert their faith in the face of continued pressure from the Japanese. In spite of this some Korean Christians remained strong till the bitter end. The Low Countries’ religious persecution came to an end, but North Korea’s Christians are still suffering under the communist regime. In spite of terrible persecution by the communist government, there are many Christians in underground churches who long for religious and political freedom. / Dissertation (MA(Theol))--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Church History and Church Policy / unrestricted