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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

Högerradikal eller bara höger? : En studie om Sverigedemokraterna

Svahn, Hanna January 2015 (has links)
Författare: Hanna SvahnTitel: Högerradikal eller bara höger? - En studie om Sverigedemokraterna Kandidatuppsats: Statsvetenskap C, 15 hp Handledare: Niklas Bolin Problem: Högerradikala politiska partier kommer alltmer i Norden, så även i Sverige därSverigedemokraterna nu är Sveriges tredje största parti. I en öppen demokrati är det viktigt attundersöka och granska politiska aktörer och vad de står för. Det har varit många diskussioner omhuruvida Sverigedemokraterna kan anses vara högerradikala eller inte och det är i från denna debattsom uppsatsen har inspirerats av. Syfte: Uppsatsens syfte är att diskutera om det svenska politiska partiet Sverigedemokraterna kananses vara ett högerradikalt parti eller inte. Kortfattad beskrivning av uppsatsens utgångspunkter och undersökningens uppläggning: Teorin i uppsatsen besår av Cas Muddes teorier om högerradikala partier och en modell med sju drag somkännetecknar ett högerradikalt politiskt parti. Empirin kommer att bestå av SverigedemokraternasValmanifest för valet 2014, Sverigedemokraternas Pincipprogram från 2011 samt övriga dokumentsom finns tillgängliga på partiets hemsida. Resultat: Resultatet i studien tyder på att Sverigedemokraterna stämmer in på de kännetecken somanges för högerradikala politiska partier. Sammanfattningsvis pekar analysen och resultatet på attdet finns tydliga tendenser som visar på att Sverigedemokraterna är ett högerradikalt politiskt parti. / <p>2015-06-03</p>
2

Normalisering av ett högerpopulistiskt parti? : En kvalitativ fallstudie om Nationella Frontens utveckling mellan 2002 och 2017

Liljestrand, Tove January 2022 (has links)
This essay refers to analyse how the French far-right party National Front was able to establish themselves in 2002 and how they continued to develop from the presidential election of 2002 to the most recent presidential election of 2017. The thory used to analyse regards the establishment and development of far-right parties and the model of PPM, standing for the policy process model and concerns factors of political opportunities, mobilisation and the political master frame, is used to analyse the party. The model is later applied to the National Front from 2002 to 2017 by reading existing work on the subject to find a result and examine hoe the development has shown. The conclusion of the analysis is that they have used the opportunities they have gotten from other parties as they have legitimised the party. But still, little difference is to be seen in the party's political master frame, the biggest difference is regarding the party's discourse where the current leader of the party, Marine Le Pen, has wanted to differentiate her leadership and the party from how it was during the former leader, Jean-Marie Le Pen.
3

Inkluderande och exkluderande strategier och förhållningsätt mot Sverigedemokraterna i tre av riksdagens utskott

Blomgren, Mattias January 2018 (has links)
Many studies have focused on whether or not different kinds of strategies used towards radical right parties give them more or less electoral support and power. This study, however, sets out to center the MP’s subjective views on how the strategies and different approaches are being used and experienced in parliamentary committees in the Swedish Riksdag. The purpose of the study is to gain new and more detailed information of the motivations used for the strategies from the MPs subjective views of the Swedish Democrats (SD). The different types of strategies studied are excluding strategies such as ignore, cordon sanitaire, demonise and defuse. The including strategies which are examined are adapt and collaborate. Vote technical disidentification is a theoretical contribution to strategies being used from this study and shows how MPs blame other parties for voting more on SD than their own. Semi- structured interviews with MPs from five parties, including SD, in three different parliamentary committees with a total number of 15 participants, which are used as the material. The result of the study suggests that there are some differences in the approaches of the different MPs, and the difference lies mostly in between and within parties and not so much among the different committees. The MPs have some differences in their subjective conception of the SD where some have a tough approach against them while others have a softer understanding to them socially but none except for one MP want formal collaboration with them. In broad terms, the political right has some tendencies to use inclusion strategies and the political left uses the exclusion strategies more broadly and not the inclusion at all, according to the result. Informal approaches to take distance from SD, used more by the political left. The perception of the strategies and approaches being used differs a lot from between the MPs from SD and the rest of the MPs in the study. A more hard, unfair and undemocratic is the perceptions of the MPs from SD of the strategy and approaches while the others do not see them as commonly used.

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