Näthatet uppmärksammas idag som ett växande problem. Internets utbredning har gett upphov till att hat och hot yttras mer obegränsat. Syftet med föreliggande studie var att utforska kvinnliga journalisters utsatthet av näthat samt bidra med kunskap om behovet av potentiellt stöd. Deltagarna var tio väletablerade frilansande samt redaktionsanställda kvinnliga journalister. Datainsamlingen gjordes med fokuserade kvalitativa intervjuer. Tematisk analys användes som metod för dataanalys. Resultatet visade på näthat som ett djupt etablerat mångfacetterat fenomen. Utsattheten för näthat ansågs bidra bl.a. till stress, rädsla och påverkan på det allmänna välbefinnandet. Utsattheten kunde hanteras genom olika copingstrategier samt praktiska åtgärder. Journalisterna i studien visade på en djuplodande medvetenhet om hatfenomenet och vilja att förmedla sin kunskap om näthatet och dess konsekvenser. Vidare framhölls ett behov av stöd och ansvarstagande från arbetsgivare och rättsväsende. Resultatet i föreliggande studie är i linje med befintlig forskning om hat och hot på nätet. / Internet hate is today highlighted as a growing issue. The expansion of internet hate has given rise to a more unrestricted expression of hate and threats. The present study aimed to explore female journalists’ exposure of internet hate and to contribute with knowledge regarding the need of potential support. The participators consisted of ten well established freelance and editorial female journalists. The data was collected with focused qualitative interviews. Thematic analysis was used as method for the data analysis. The result showed internet hate as a deep established multifaceted phenomenon. The exposure of internet hate was among other things considered contribute to stress and fear, and to have an impact on the general well-being. The exposure could be handled with the use of various coping strategies and practical measures. The journalists in the present study showed a profound awareness regarding the phenomena of hate and willingness to mediate their knowledge about internet hate and its consequences. Furthermore, a need of support and responsibility from employers and the judicial system was emphasized. The result in the present study is in line with existing research about hate and threats online.

Abstract The purpose of this thesis was to gain a better understanding of the relatively new concept of Brand Hate. More specifically, how Brand Hate can occur in people with no to little experience with certain brands, so called non-customers. We want to believe that humans are a rational being that takes decisions based on all the available information and does not jump to conclusions before all options have been exhausted. But upon closer examination theoretical concepts such as brand love can be found. A concept that argues that users of a brand utilize the brand itself in order to internally identify values he or she holds, as well as showcasing those values and personality traits externally to others. With this theory as a basis the relatively new concept of Brand Hate was born. The new concept, posits that there has to be another side of the brand love, where people actually hate or dislike the brand. Up to this point very little research has been done within the area, and that is where the authors of this thesis saw an opportunity to fill a research gap. There has been no previous research attempting to understand WHY these negative feelings comes to present themselves within people. But as soon as the work on the thesis had started another opportunity presented itself, it seemed as though people hate or dislike brands that they themselves does not even use. As a result non-customers became the focal point of investigation of this thesis.  The research itself included three different focus groups, with in total nineteen respondents that discussed a wide variety of topics. During the sessions the discussions touched upon what brands they disliked, why they disliked them and how the respondents identified with other groups of people. This gave the authors the ability to gain a deeper understanding of the psychological reasoning behind why certain brands the respondents did not use were severely hated or disliked.    The findings from the research seem to point in one very specific direction, group identification is an integral reason why non-customers started to hate or dislike brands. No matter how good companies are creating an appealing brand, that same brand will always risk to become distorted, as a result of the different targeted user groups. This research shows that people let their emotions and prejudices come between what they perceive a brand to be, and what companies want them to be. The result is people prematurely judging brands based upon the customers of that brand. If the respondents did not like the user group of a certain brand, that same brand would be inscribed with all the negative connotations with the user groups, thereby distorting the public brand image far from what the companies might intend them to be.

With the increasing population heterogeneity and rising tensions in Western nations, the governments of those nations have sought ways to manage conflict between different groups. This often comes in the form of laws criminalizing certain speech, and numerous Western nations have passed bills strengthening sanctions against hate speech or adding previously unprotected groups. However, when the European Union attempted to pass strict hate speech legislation, many EU member states disagreed with its provisions and, due to the structure of the EU, managed to substantially change the resulting legislation. This study examines how proponents and opponents of hate speech legislative change frame the issue and the role the EU. / text

The racial violence between Navajos and whites in Farmington, New Mexico is historical. One of the first documented acts of racial violence was in 1875, when white settlers would take gunshots at Navajos for entertainment. This violent atmosphere continued throughout the years, and most notoriously in 1974 with the murders of three Navajo men by three white teenagers. This violence was part of an ongoing cycle of racism and hostility between Navajos and whites. The murders ignited local and national media frenzy, and Farmington was dubbed the "Selma, Alabama of the Southwest." Navajo citizens responded to the murders with activism and demonstrations in the streets of Farmington, and demanded justice and change. Throughout subsequent years, racism and racial violence continues and Navajos are still the targets of hate crimes. The purpose of this study is to examine and investigate the hate crimes that have been committed against Navajo people in Farmington and its neighboring towns. This study, in particular, analyzes the impacts that hate crime has on Navajo citizens. Interviews with Navajo victims of hate crime expand on the findings of a pilot interview. The research in this dissertation shows that the affects of hate crime are long lasting and impact not only the victims but also the entire Navajo Nation. As a result of the unrelenting hate crimes in Farmington, the Navajo Nation has created a human rights commission to investigate race relations in Navajo Nation border towns. This study addresses what steps the Navajo Nation and Navajo citizens have taken to combat and recover from racism and racial violence. Finally, this study proposes interventions to improve race relations.

Hate crime laws in both Canada and the United States purport to promote equality using the language of antidiscrimination law. National criminal codes in both countries authorize enhanced punishment for crimes motivated by “sexual orientation” but not “gender identity” or “gender expression.” Cities and states in the United States have also adopted hate crime laws, some of which denounce both homophobic and trans-phobic crimes. Hate crime penalty enhancement laws have been applied by courts in both Canada and the United States to establish a growing jurisprudence. In both countries, moreover, other hate crime laws contribute to official legal knowledge by regulating hate speech, hate crime statistics, and conduct equivalent to hate crimes in schools, workplaces, and elsewhere. Yet, despite the proliferation of hate crime laws and jurisprudence, governmental officials do not control all legal knowledge about hate crimes. Sociological “others” attend criminal sentencing proceedings and provide support to hate crime victims during prosecutions, but they also frame their own unofficial inquiries and announce their own classification decisions for hate-related events. In both Canada and the United States, nongovernmental groups contend both inside and outside official governmental channels to establish legal knowledge about homophobic and trans-phobic hate crimes. In two comparable Canadian and American cities, similar groups monitor and classify homophobic and trans-phobic attacks using a variety of information practices. Interviews with representatives of these groups reveal a relationship between the practices of each group and hate crime laws at each site. The results support one principal conclusion. The availability of local legislative power and a local mechanism for public review are key determinants of the sites and styles of nongovernmental contention about hate crimes. Where police gather and publish official hate crime statistics, the official classification system serves as both a site for mobilization, and a constraint on the styles of contention used by nongovernmental groups. Where police do not gather or publish hate crime statistics, nongovernmental groups are deprived of the resource represented by a local site for social contention, but their styles of contention are liberated from the subtle influences of an official hate crime classification system.

No description available.

This is a coming of age story about two very different boys – Jason, a Northerner who ends up stuck in a small Southern town and Billy, a Southern boy with an abusive father. The boys become friends and grow up learning the dark secrets that are allowed to fester in a tiny southern town ruled by the Good Ol’ Boy System of justice. The story chronicles how their shared experiences change them in ways they never imagined and ultimately destroys their friendship and their lives. Through a history of violence and prejudice, Billy and Jason learn who they really are and just how far they’re willing to go to get what they want. They discover the true meaning of strength and weakness and how to survive in a world where they don’t fit in. The story explores the issues of violence, drug abuse, and murder that often lie hidden beneath the façade of fanatic Christianity, propriety, and status in seemingly innocent, charming Southern towns.

Hate crime laws in both Canada and the United States purport to promote equality using the language of antidiscrimination law. National criminal codes in both countries authorize enhanced punishment for crimes motivated by “sexual orientation” but not “gender identity” or “gender expression.” Cities and states in the United States have also adopted hate crime laws, some of which denounce both homophobic and trans-phobic crimes. Hate crime penalty enhancement laws have been applied by courts in both Canada and the United States to establish a growing jurisprudence. In both countries, moreover, other hate crime laws contribute to official legal knowledge by regulating hate speech, hate crime statistics, and conduct equivalent to hate crimes in schools, workplaces, and elsewhere. Yet, despite the proliferation of hate crime laws and jurisprudence, governmental officials do not control all legal knowledge about hate crimes. Sociological “others” attend criminal sentencing proceedings and provide support to hate crime victims during prosecutions, but they also frame their own unofficial inquiries and announce their own classification decisions for hate-related events. In both Canada and the United States, nongovernmental groups contend both inside and outside official governmental channels to establish legal knowledge about homophobic and trans-phobic hate crimes. In two comparable Canadian and American cities, similar groups monitor and classify homophobic and trans-phobic attacks using a variety of information practices. Interviews with representatives of these groups reveal a relationship between the practices of each group and hate crime laws at each site. The results support one principal conclusion. The availability of local legislative power and a local mechanism for public review are key determinants of the sites and styles of nongovernmental contention about hate crimes. Where police gather and publish official hate crime statistics, the official classification system serves as both a site for mobilization, and a constraint on the styles of contention used by nongovernmental groups. Where police do not gather or publish hate crime statistics, nongovernmental groups are deprived of the resource represented by a local site for social contention, but their styles of contention are liberated from the subtle influences of an official hate crime classification system.

Thesis (M. Ed.)--University of Northern British Columbia, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 58-60).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Canterbury, 2009. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-123). Also available via the World Wide Web.