Public education in the United States is currently enveloped in an era of intense accountability. At the national level the No Child Left Behind Act, demands accountability in any district or school receiving federal funds One of the goals of the No Child Left Behind legislation had its roots in the Texas education accountability statute of 1999, when former governor George W. Bush signed into law a mandate that became known as the Student Success Initiative. That law required students in the 3rd grade to pass the state reading assessment in order to be promoted to the 4th grade, beginning in the year 2003. The same group of students would be required to pass their 5th and 8th grade reading and math exams to be promoted to the next grade level. The initiative continued for all students. In opposition to the those policies, the body of research regarding grade-level retention concludes that the practice of grade retention is ineffective in increasingstudent achievement (Jimerson, 2001, Harness, 1984, McCoy, 1999). This study examined the Student Success Initiative in Texas. The goal was to determine whether retention in 3rd, 5th, or 8th grade made a signification difference in subsequent TAKS scores in comparison with students who were placed in the next grade level by the official Grade Placement Committee. Data was analyzed from three large urban school districts in Texas. Results were consistent across the three school districts. Students who were retained in third grade performed better the subsequent year in third grade, but those successes did not continue consistently through the 5th and 8th grade years. Students retained in 5th grade for math performed poorly on subsequent tests, as did students retained in the 8th grade for reading or math. However, the group of students that was retained in 5th grade due to failure of the TAKS Reading test exhibited success in the subsequent year as well as the 8th grade year. Overall, TAKS students who were retained did not perform better than students who were placed in the next grade level as they progressed through 8th grade. / text

Thesis advisor: Andy Hargreaves / Interest in educational change has continued to grow over the past three decades (Fullan, 1982; Tyack & Cuban, 1995). One focus has been the challenge of implementing sustainable reforms, particularly in secondary schools, which have traditionally been resistant to change (Goodson, 1983; Hargreaves, 2003; Louis & Miles, 1990; McLaughlin & Talbert, 2001). Another has been the role of teachers in implementing, sustaining and also resisting change (Fullan, 1993; Hargreaves, 1994; Kennedy, 2005; Little, 1996). In spite of challenges--and arguably lack of success--wave after wave of reform has attempted to introduce lasting change in schools (Sarason, 1990). No Child Left Behind (NCLB) (U.S. Department of Education, 2002) represents the latest wave of reform. This wave requires a relentless focus on achievement and improvement. The impact of NCLB is felt at the state level, where high-stakes, standardized tests are given annually as a means to measure progress (U.S. Department of Education, 2002). In Massachusetts, the test is the Massachusetts Comprehensive Assessment System (MCAS). While the effects of mandated change are undoubtedly felt at all levels, it is teachers in mid-career for whom the stakes might be highest. Will reform work successfully stimulate and support them, or will it feel like an additional and unwanted burden on the their already full schedules? My dissertation thus explores the following question: * What are the effects of contemporary high-stakes mandated reform on the change commitments and capacities of middle career teachers? Related to this broad question, I explore the in-school conditions and generational factors that influence these change commitments and capacities. The surprising findings revealed that most teachers, representing both high and low performing schools in urban and suburban districts, felt that the MCAS in particular and the standards movement in general offer a neutral to positive opportunity for teachers to assess their students and to hone their curricular and teaching strategies. This statement holds true for the quantitative data as well; teachers generally appear to feel more control and influence over their work than in the recent past. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Teacher Education, Special Education, Curriculum and Instruction.

Since the development and implementation of the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) of 2002, educators have received pressure from local, state, and federal policyholders for students to achieve academically and for schools to make adequate yearly progress to avoid state and federal sanctions. The purpose of this study was to examine educators' perceptions of the effects of high-stakes testing and the accountability policies in high poverty and low poverty schools. The theoretical frameworks were conservation of resources theory, jobs demands-resources model, and job autonomy and control theory. Research questions focused on understanding educators' perception of high-stakes testing regarding curricula, instructional practices, available instructional support, and job satisfaction. A cross-sectional, quasi-experimental design was used to obtain both quantitative and qualitative with a sample of 200 teachers and 6 principals, respectively. To investigate the differences in responses between teachers, a two-way factorial analysis of variance was used. Quantitative findings indicated that teachers in lower poverty schools had a lower perception when it came to the curricula, instructional method, and instructional support. Teachers in lower poverty schools expressed higher job satisfaction. Qualitative findings showed that principals felt that the Georgia Professional Standards teaches how to pass the test and does not give students the opportunity to apply what is learned. These findings illuminate the role of poverty in high-stakes testing and accountability policies; they also assist policymakers and stakeholders in identifying supports needed to ensure that all children succeed.

Once viewed as a way to establish educational placement, high-stakes testing is used to establish benchmarks for success within school systems. Within a local Utah school district, raising these benchmarks has been deliberated due to a steady decline in Grade 8 language arts scores, which has heightened concerns among local school administrators and teachers. The purpose of this phenomenological study was to examine the perceptions of teachers on how to improve declining Grade 8 language arts test scores. Based on the theoretical concepts of constructivism, 3 research questions were created to examine the underlying factors of the steady decline in Grade 8 language arts test scores, teachers' perceptions of decline in Grade 8 test scores, and current instructional practices used by teachers to prepare students for high-stakes testing. Through semi-structured interviews, data were collected from a sample of 7 language arts teachers who held an academic degree in language arts area and were a faculty member at the selected school. Comparative analysis and the open coding process were used to find themes in the data. Specific themes included the need for change, different influences, and varying instructional practices to increase test scores each academic year. An individualized instructional curriculum might help increase test scores. A 3-day, in service workshop focused on helping teachers recognize current issues with test preparation and offered methods to help improve student learning through multiple intelligence-based instruction. This study contributes to social change within local Grade 8 language arts classrooms by providing information to educators on how to increase high-stakes test scores on an annual basis and increase overall student achievement.

Florida has experienced some of the greatest growth of Advanced Placement (AP) programs in recent years and student scores on the AP exams have evolved into a highly significant metric in evaluating student proficiency and teacher and school effectiveness. Despite this growth, it is not well known how AP teachers make decisions about the content they teach, what learning activities they select, how much the AP exam influences their decision making, how they modify learning opportunities for diverse learners, and how they prepare their students for the College Board AP exam. This interpretive, phenomenological study examines the lived experiences of four AP U.S. History teachers whose students consistently achieve pass rates above the Florida average. The study examines how these teachers interpret competing environmental factors, construct meaning, and develop course plans and classroom environments for their students that lead to successful outcomes. Four successful AP U.S. History teachers were selected from a large school district in central Florida and invited to participate in the study. Participants were purposefully selected to create a sample where all participants possessed the "intensity" characteristic of successful student performance but where variability in the high school settings and individual teacher demographics were maximized. Data collection consisted of a pre-interview survey, a classroom observation, and three one-hour semi-structured interviews for each participant. The four participants' data were used to construct interpretive phenomenological narratives to share the lived experiences of these successful AP teachers. Additionally, analysis of participant data yielded participant and inter-participant themes. Findings indicate that the successful teachers in this study were highly organized, developed supportive and caring classrooms, and designed their courses, in large part, based on their own personal beliefs about what a college experience should be like. While all teachers in this study reported considerable academic diversity in their individual classrooms, the greatest effects of academic diversity were seen when comparing teachers in different academically performing schools where teachers adapted their pacing, content, and methods to the academic skills of their students. The significant impact of the AP exam on all dimensions of teacher course planning and decision making was clearly evident throughout this study. Implications of these findings are that educators and administrators should select AP teachers carefully, recognize that the academic characteristics of students influence these classrooms, and be cognizant that they surrender a significant degree of control over content and skills taught in these types of classes. Furthermore, given the nature and size of the current AP program, policymakers and the College Board should examine whether they provide sufficient curricular-instructional guidance to teachers, students, and other stakeholders.

This study is aimed to unpack the ‘black box’ that connects the grade-3 test-based retention policy with students’ academic outcomes. I theorized that the policy effects on teaching and learning may be modified by instructional capacity, but are unlikely to occur through enhancing teachers’ capability to teach. Analyzing the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study Kindergarten cohort (ECLS-K) dataset, I first explored the relationship between the test-based retention policy and instructional capacity as indicated by teacher expectations of students’ learning capability and then investigated whether and how the expectations moderated the policy effects on instructional time reallocation, student academic performance, and student self-perceived academic competence and interests. To remove the selection bias associated with the non-experimental data, I applied a novel propensity score-based causal inference method, the marginal mean weighting through stratification (MMW-S) method and extended it to a causal analysis that approximates a randomization of schools to the test-based retention policy followed by a randomization of classes to teachers with different levels of expectations. Consistent with my theory, I found that the test-based retention policy had no effects on teacher expectations. Although the policy uniformly increased the time allocated to math instruction, it produced no significant changes in students’ overall performance and overall self-perception in math. In addition, I found that students responded differently to the test-based retention policy depending on the expectations they received from the grade-3 teachers. The results suggested some benefits of positive expectations over negative and indifferent expectations in moderating the policy effects, including more access to advanced content, higher learning gains of average-ability students, and more resilient student learning over a long term. However, the results also showed that having positive expectations alone is not sufficient for academic improvement under the high-stakes policy. If implemented by a positive-expectation teacher, the policy could be detrimental to students’ learning in the nontested subject or to their learning of basic reading/math skills. It would as well place the bottom-ability students at a disadvantage. The findings have significant implications for the ongoing high-stakes testing debate, for school improvement under the current accountability reform, and for research of teacher effectiveness.

This study is aimed to unpack the ‘black box’ that connects the grade-3 test-based retention policy with students’ academic outcomes. I theorized that the policy effects on teaching and learning may be modified by instructional capacity, but are unlikely to occur through enhancing teachers’ capability to teach. Analyzing the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study Kindergarten cohort (ECLS-K) dataset, I first explored the relationship between the test-based retention policy and instructional capacity as indicated by teacher expectations of students’ learning capability and then investigated whether and how the expectations moderated the policy effects on instructional time reallocation, student academic performance, and student self-perceived academic competence and interests. To remove the selection bias associated with the non-experimental data, I applied a novel propensity score-based causal inference method, the marginal mean weighting through stratification (MMW-S) method and extended it to a causal analysis that approximates a randomization of schools to the test-based retention policy followed by a randomization of classes to teachers with different levels of expectations. Consistent with my theory, I found that the test-based retention policy had no effects on teacher expectations. Although the policy uniformly increased the time allocated to math instruction, it produced no significant changes in students’ overall performance and overall self-perception in math. In addition, I found that students responded differently to the test-based retention policy depending on the expectations they received from the grade-3 teachers. The results suggested some benefits of positive expectations over negative and indifferent expectations in moderating the policy effects, including more access to advanced content, higher learning gains of average-ability students, and more resilient student learning over a long term. However, the results also showed that having positive expectations alone is not sufficient for academic improvement under the high-stakes policy. If implemented by a positive-expectation teacher, the policy could be detrimental to students’ learning in the nontested subject or to their learning of basic reading/math skills. It would as well place the bottom-ability students at a disadvantage. The findings have significant implications for the ongoing high-stakes testing debate, for school improvement under the current accountability reform, and for research of teacher effectiveness.

Abstract High stakes testing is popularly examined in educational research, but contemporary analyses tend to reflect a qualitative or quantitative research design (e.g., Au, 2007; Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 2006; Gamble, 2010). Exhaustive debate over the relative success or failure of high stakes testing is often framed between competing visions of epistemological constructs, and the historical foundations of high stakes testing policies are rarely explored. The origins of high stakes testing can be traced to local school reform efforts in states like Louisiana, and investigating the roots of high stakes testing at the state level contextualizes the national debate on student assessment in research and scholarship. Using historical research methods, this project details the local campaign to implement the Louisiana Educational Assessment Program (LEAP) as Louisiana’s comprehensive high stakes testing program. Enacted under state law in 1986, the LEAP is a series of K-12 student assessments aligned to prescriptive state standards. The LEAP is among the nation’s longest comprehensive high stakes testing programs and is the centerpiece to Louisiana’s school accountability system. The narrative of its development offers critical insight into the overarching rationales for high stakes testing that continue to drive accountability policies throughout the country. This study interweaves sociological and political history into a singular chronological record of the LEAP. Historical research methodology informs this study by establishing the basis for data collection and analysis. Historical research method is the systematic collection and evaluation of primary source data in order to determine trends, causes, or effects of past events (Gay, 1996; Lucey, 1984). Methods used in this research investigation include document analysis and oral history interviews. Multiple data sources are used to gain a thorough understanding of the historical context surrounding the implementation of the LEAP. The LEAP functions as both a student assessment program and policy of school accountability, and the story of its development is an important narrative within the field of high stakes testing research and scholarship.

The literacy skills of students have become a significant concern among legislators and educators. The federal government has responded to this by enacting legislation that increases state accountability to provide evidence-based interventions to struggling readers. In response, the State of Florida has mandated mandatory retention for third-grade students who are at risk for reading failure. Third-grade students who do not pass the Florida comprehensive Assessment Test-Reading (FCAT) are retained. Students who score at Level 1 are retained, and students who scored at Levels 2 through 5 are promoted. Research has indicated that retention has been an ineffective intervention to improve academic performance. However, it is difficult to compare research findings with Florida’s current retention plan. Previous research has not delineated the intervention strategies that were utilized during the retention year. Florida requires that all students are provided evidence-based reading remediation. The purpose of this study was to explore the association of Florida’s model of student progression and academic achievement. More specifically, the study investigated the academic outcomes of third-grade students who scored within 10 scaled score points below the student progression achievement cut-off, attained a Level 1 designation in 2003 and were retained, and students who scored within 10 scaled score points above the student progression achievement cut-off, attained a Level 2 designation in 2003 and were promoted to fourth grade. Results indicated that 87% of the higher performing retained students subsequently scored at Level 2 or higher in 2004 while 67% of the promoted, low achieving student scored at Level 2 or higher in 2004. Furthermore, gender, SES and race were significantly associated with the reading outcomes of higher achieving retained and promoted, low achieving students. This study contributes to the literature by examining the outcomes of a retention model within a framework of academic remediation. In addition, the utility of high stakes testing and retention decisions were also examined. Future implications for research include direct comparisons of retained and promoted students, a longitudinal research design to examine the long-term effects of retention, and the identification of more effective services and intervention strategies to target at-risk students.

Hispanics are the largest and fastest growing minority population in the U.S. requiring limited English proficiency services (Guglielmi, 2008). Many schools and school districts place heavy emphasis on high stakes testing. The No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act of 2001 requires all children to have access to a fair, equal, and high-quality education. Many schools and school districts focus on individual students to show grade level performance for small populations such as limited English proficient (LEP) students. The purpose of this study was to examine the question, "What was the relationship between measures of school and student socioeconomic status, and reading and math achievement of Hispanic LEP high school students?" Guiding this study was the conceptual framework, the middleclass education concept. This concept suggested that underprivileged students attending an impoverished school had lower academic success than did underprivileged students attending a middleclass school with middleclass values. This study was developed from secondary data analysis of archived data from the Pinellas County School Board database. Pearson correlation coefficients were computed between the variables in this study. The correlation analysis was followed by a multiple regression analysis to estimate the capacity of the subsidized meal program, student absences, gender, grade point average (GPA), and the Norm Referenced Test (NRT) reading and math to explain reading and math achievement, as defined by the Florida Comprehensive Assessment Test in reading and math. The results of this study provided insight that the role played by indices of school and student SES may be different for Hispanic LEP students than for other minority students, such as African American and Hispanic or Latino high school students. The results showed that measures of SES were not as strong as expected based on the current research literature. GPA and NRT provided the strongest explanation of variability for FCAT reading and math scores. Other indicators such as student absences and gender were not statistically significant for explaining the FCAT reading and math scores. Thereby, indicating that the conceptual framework, the Middleclass Education Concept, may not apply to Hispanic LEP high school students and thus, further research for this population is needed.