Motivational changes due to individual differences and situational variations in ingroup identification can influence accessibility of memories of ingroup violence, victimization and glories. In Study 1, high identifiers recalled fewer incidents of ingroup violence and hatred than of ingroup suffering. As well, they recalled fewer incidents of ingroup violence and hatred than did low identifiers. In Study 2, a manipulation of ingroup identity produced shifts in memory. Relative to those in the low identity condition, participants in the high identity condition recalled fewer incidents of violence and hatred and more good deeds by members of their group. Participants in a control condition recalled more positive than negative group actions; this bias was exaggerated in the high identity condition and eliminated in the low identity condition. With respect to memories of ingroup tragedies, Studies 3 and 4 demonstrated that experimental reminders of ingroup suffering enhanced participants' sense of connectedness to the ingroup. The findings suggest that memories of ingroup aggressions threaten ingroup identity whereas memories of ingroup suffering enhance ingroup identity. Societal implications of the findings are discussed. The present research informs the literature on reconstructive memory by extending previous findings on the flexibility of personal memories to historical memory.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:37:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ROSANGELA DOS REIS PROTASIO.pdf: 4912038 bytes, checksum: 6f1b556660c2fcd04aeccbe22b294e70 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-24 / This study brings a reflection on the significance of Centro Livre de Artes for the cultural formation of the people who live in Goiânia, aiming to investigate the trajectory of this institution from its origin until the present time. In order to achieve this goal, we present the social-cultural moment in which this institution was founded and rescue the historical memory of the former Escola de Música José Ricardo de Castro, currently named Centro Livre de Artes, showing its physical growth and artistic development. We also describe how Centro Livre de Artes is seen nowadays by its users focusing on the teaching learning relationship and on the level of its users satisfaction. Finally, we present the results obtained during this research and give some suggestions of actions that might favor the artistic development of the institution, as well as measures that might contribute to broaden its sphere of action and visibility. / Fruto de uma reflexão sobre o significado do Centro Livre de Artes na formação cultural goianiense, buscou-se neste trabalho investigar a atuação da instituição desde a sua origem até os dias atuais. Para alcançar tal conhecimento, apresenta-se o momento sociocultural em que a instituição se originou e resgata-se a memória histórica da Escola de Música José Ricardo de Castro, atualmente Centro Livre de Artes, com todo o percurso de seu crescimento físico e desenvolvimento artístico. No momento atual, descreve-se como o Centro Livre de Artes é visto pelos seus usuários enfocando o ensino aprendizagem e o grau de satisfação alcançado por aqueles que dele usufruem. Por fim, apresentam-se os resultados obtidos nesta pesquisa, oferecendo subsídios que favorecem a ampliação artística da instituição, assim como ações que possam contribuir para o aumento de sua atuação e visibilidade.

Em 8 de novembro de 1799, quatro homens foram enforcados e esquartejados em praça pública na cidade de Salvador. Condenados por conspirarem contra a Coroa de Portugal, os alfaiates João de Deus do Nascimento e Manuel Faustino, e os soldados Lucas Dantas de Amorim Torres e Luiz Gonzaga das Virgens e Veiga foram considerados pelos Desembargadores do Tribunal da Relação da Bahia como sendo os únicos protagonistas de um movimento conhecido atualmente como Conjuração Baiana de 1798. O trágico fim desses homens foi reputado pela historiografia oitocentista como sendo uma anomalia social e manifestação da barbárie habilmente abortada pelas autoridades régias. Sob a pena dos intelectuais do século XX, entretanto, o evento foi considerado como a mais popular das revoltas que antecederam a emancipação política do Brasil, em 1822. Sendo que o exemplo mais notável, nesse caso, é a importante obra de Affonso Ruy, A Primeira Revolução Social Brasileira. Dessa feita, após as comemorações do primeiro centenário da Independência do Brasil, percebe-se que a pena histórica encarregou-se não só de alargar as bases sociais do evento, originalmente circunscrita aos médios e baixos setores da sociedade baiana da época, como, a partir de uma inversão historiográfica dos pólos das análises o transformou em um dos tournants da nossa história nacional. Da Sedição dos mulatos à Conjuração baiana de 1798, portanto, é a história da memória histórica de um evento pátrio cujo legado simbólico de seus protagonistas foi retomado de tempos em tempos e parece ser destinado a servir de instrumento privilegiado para a reflexão ao sabor de distintas conjunturas. / On November 8th of 1798, four men were hanged and quartered in a public square in the city of Salvador. Condemned for conspiracy against the Royal Government of Portugal, the tailors João de Deus do Nascimento and Manuel Faustino and the soldiers Lucas Dantas de Amorim Torres e Luiz Gonzaga das Virgens e Veiga were identified by the chief judge of the Tribunal da Relação of Bahia as the only protagonists of a movement known nowadays as Conjuração Baiana de 1798. The tragic end of these men was considered by the 19th century\'s historiography as a social anomaly and a demonstration of the barbarity skilfully suppressed by the royal authorities. However, according to the intellectuals of the 20th century, the event was the most popular revolt that preceeded the political emancipation of Brazil, in 1822 and A Primeira Revolução Social Brasileira, a book by Affonso Ruy, is a notable example of this interpretation. After the celebrations of the first centenary of Brazilian Independence, it is possible to say that the historians not only spreaded out the social basis of the event, originally confined to the medium and low portions of Bahia\'s society at that time but also - by making an historiographical inversion of the extreme points of the analyses - transformed it in a turning point of our national history. To sum up, From the Sedition of the mulattoes to the Conspiração baiana de 1798, here we have a history of the historical memory of a native event which simbolic legacy of its protagonists has been constantly rehabilitated in order to act as a powerful instrument of analysis due to different circumstances.

This thesis deals with the historical memory in the context of Bulgarian medieval history. Its main objective is to evaluate the role played by the historical memory of the first Bulgarian state in the period of Byzantine domination and the Second Bulgarian Empire. In the first part of this work the current view of the Bulgarian historiography on this topic is critically reviewed. A section, which focuses on historical memory during period of the Byzantine rule aims to assess how and in what form could the historical memory of the First Bulgarian state preserve. It tries to describe this memory as a dynamic process. It aims at the causes that led to the gradual disintegration of historical memory after the end of the First Bulgarian State, such as the decay of higher domestic political elites and loss center. It also analyzes the factors that helped to store memory about the state. In the third part of the thesis deals with the way how was the historical memory of the first Bulgarian state treated in the Second Bulgarian Empire. It examines the way in which historical memory has been used to legitimize the very existence of the Second Bulgarian State. It also describes on the basis of contemporary sources the scope and knowledge of the history of the First Bulgarian State in the Second Bulgarian...

Em 8 de novembro de 1799, quatro homens foram enforcados e esquartejados em praça pública na cidade de Salvador. Condenados por conspirarem contra a Coroa de Portugal, os alfaiates João de Deus do Nascimento e Manuel Faustino, e os soldados Lucas Dantas de Amorim Torres e Luiz Gonzaga das Virgens e Veiga foram considerados pelos Desembargadores do Tribunal da Relação da Bahia como sendo os únicos protagonistas de um movimento conhecido atualmente como Conjuração Baiana de 1798. O trágico fim desses homens foi reputado pela historiografia oitocentista como sendo uma anomalia social e manifestação da barbárie habilmente abortada pelas autoridades régias. Sob a pena dos intelectuais do século XX, entretanto, o evento foi considerado como a mais popular das revoltas que antecederam a emancipação política do Brasil, em 1822. Sendo que o exemplo mais notável, nesse caso, é a importante obra de Affonso Ruy, A Primeira Revolução Social Brasileira. Dessa feita, após as comemorações do primeiro centenário da Independência do Brasil, percebe-se que a pena histórica encarregou-se não só de alargar as bases sociais do evento, originalmente circunscrita aos médios e baixos setores da sociedade baiana da época, como, a partir de uma inversão historiográfica dos pólos das análises o transformou em um dos tournants da nossa história nacional. Da Sedição dos mulatos à Conjuração baiana de 1798, portanto, é a história da memória histórica de um evento pátrio cujo legado simbólico de seus protagonistas foi retomado de tempos em tempos e parece ser destinado a servir de instrumento privilegiado para a reflexão ao sabor de distintas conjunturas. / On November 8th of 1798, four men were hanged and quartered in a public square in the city of Salvador. Condemned for conspiracy against the Royal Government of Portugal, the tailors João de Deus do Nascimento and Manuel Faustino and the soldiers Lucas Dantas de Amorim Torres e Luiz Gonzaga das Virgens e Veiga were identified by the chief judge of the Tribunal da Relação of Bahia as the only protagonists of a movement known nowadays as Conjuração Baiana de 1798. The tragic end of these men was considered by the 19th century\'s historiography as a social anomaly and a demonstration of the barbarity skilfully suppressed by the royal authorities. However, according to the intellectuals of the 20th century, the event was the most popular revolt that preceeded the political emancipation of Brazil, in 1822 and A Primeira Revolução Social Brasileira, a book by Affonso Ruy, is a notable example of this interpretation. After the celebrations of the first centenary of Brazilian Independence, it is possible to say that the historians not only spreaded out the social basis of the event, originally confined to the medium and low portions of Bahia\'s society at that time but also - by making an historiographical inversion of the extreme points of the analyses - transformed it in a turning point of our national history. To sum up, From the Sedition of the mulattoes to the Conspiração baiana de 1798, here we have a history of the historical memory of a native event which simbolic legacy of its protagonists has been constantly rehabilitated in order to act as a powerful instrument of analysis due to different circumstances.

This thesis attempts to highlight the contemporary conditions and processes of education in order to define what kind of education dominates the 21st century School. What mentality and pedagogy are governing the design of the 21st century School? How can the historical perspective help to explain the conditions and processes in contemporary education? This thesis studies these questions by analyzing and interpreting active educational discourses from the beginning of the 21st century. The study is based on critical hermeneutics. The concepts are mentality, inherent pedagogy and historical memory. The material underlying the study con­sists of 351 news articles about education in the Swedish newspaper Västerbottens-Kuriren. The interpretation process has been carried out at different stages, in order to describe, explain and understand active educational discourses. This interpretation applies three complementary methods - text analysis, hermeneutic interpretation and critical discourse analysis. The find­ings indicate a mentality containing three main trends – equal togetherness, independent learning and independent freedom of choice, which arises from an inherent pedagogy con­taining two main trends - competence-developing and a performance-enhancing process. The contemporary mentality and pedagogy are emerging in the gap between Piaget´s and Skinner's educational ethos. At a shorter historical perspective, mentalities in the 1990s bear major structural similarities to the mentalities formed in the 21st century. In parallel, inherent peda­gogy in the 1990s shares less structural similarities to the pedagogy formed in the 21st cen­tury. At a longer historical perspective, one will notice major structural similarities between the 18th century and the 21st century. What distinguishes one period from another is that the 18th century was a class society with teachers who had low ambitions, whereas the 21st cen­tury is a democratic society with teachers who have high ambitions. What unites the periods is that both the 18th and the 21st centuries witnessed great spatial and economic change. They are centuries of coercion and competition as well as centuries of freedom. In addition, they share the qualities of distance and control, and they both treat children as adults. Finally both centuries face unfinished policies with contradictory trends. From a media perspective, the debates from the 1990s and the editorials and facts from the 21st century news articles bear no similarities in terms of ideological positions on education.

The purpose of this research is to shed light on the formation of historical myths in Post-Soviet secondary school history classrooms from 1991 to 2010. Specifically, this thesis provides insight into how Russian high school teachers and textbook authors shaped historical interpretations of the perestroika era under the leadership of Mikhail S. Gorbachev and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. This case study of the teaching of the historical time period of 1985 to 1991 illuminates the ways in which Russians reinterpreted the final years of communist rule, as well as the dominant factors influencing those assessments, including memory and the state. The historical narratives taught in post-Soviet Russian classrooms, serve as an indicator of the evolution of democratic processes, national identity and historical consciousness in Russia.<p> In addition to a survey of secondary source literature, my methodology includes the evaluation of interviews and surveys I conducted in 2009 and 2010 from over thirty secondary school history teachers in six Russian localities (in the Novosibirsk region, Moscow and St. Petersburg). I also assess the chapter contents of 15 widely-used high school history textbooks from the period of 1988 to 2009.<p> In the newly democratic Russian state, the government (including the Ministry of Education) played a central role in the reform agenda of schools. During these formative decades, the process took a revolutionary pattern, with a radical, more liberal, stage of reform occurring in the early 1990s and a more conservative, traditional retreat taking place from the mid-1990s onwards. In response to societys widespread discontent over the changes which took place in Russian schools in the 1990s, President Vladimir V. Putin took a more active role in education reform than his predecessor, Boris N. Yeltsin, especially in the realm of history education. Putins more centralized approach resulted in stricter controls on curriculum and textbook publication. Accordingly, history education was employed as a tool of the state to shape patriotic citizens through the restricting of various historical interpretations.<p> Gorbachev as leader, perestroika and the end of the Soviet Union are controversial historical topics in Russia due to the social and economic upheaval that took place during and after these years. Textbook analysis of this period often reflected dominant political discourses in Russia. In the 1990s the interpretations were quite varied as Russians were unsure of how to assess such recent history. In the 2000s the textbook interpretations became more streamlined, and Gorbachev became a scapegoat for many subsequent state problems. In contrast, history teachers opinions about the Gorbachev era did not appear to change as markedly. Many factors weigh in on an individuals interpretation of this historical period, but memory plays an especially prominent role in the teaching of the topic. Nevertheless, history teachers and textbook authors, reflecting Russian society at large, used historical myths in the teaching of the Gorbachev era, and this thesis documents these myths and sheds light on which were most prevalent and which lost favour.

Motivational changes due to individual differences and situational variations in ingroup identification can influence accessibility of memories of ingroup violence, victimization and glories. In Study 1, high identifiers recalled fewer incidents of ingroup violence and hatred than of ingroup suffering. As well, they recalled fewer incidents of ingroup violence and hatred than did low identifiers. In Study 2, a manipulation of ingroup identity produced shifts in memory. Relative to those in the low identity condition, participants in the high identity condition recalled fewer incidents of violence and hatred and more good deeds by members of their group. Participants in a control condition recalled more positive than negative group actions; this bias was exaggerated in the high identity condition and eliminated in the low identity condition. With respect to memories of ingroup tragedies, Studies 3 and 4 demonstrated that experimental reminders of ingroup suffering enhanced participants' sense of connectedness to the ingroup. The findings suggest that memories of ingroup aggressions threaten ingroup identity whereas memories of ingroup suffering enhance ingroup identity. Societal implications of the findings are discussed. The present research informs the literature on reconstructive memory by extending previous findings on the flexibility of personal memories to historical memory.

The purpose of this research is to shed light on the formation of historical myths in Post-Soviet secondary school history classrooms from 1991 to 2010. Specifically, this thesis provides insight into how Russian high school teachers and textbook authors shaped historical interpretations of the perestroika era under the leadership of Mikhail S. Gorbachev and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. This case study of the teaching of the historical time period of 1985 to 1991 illuminates the ways in which Russians reinterpreted the final years of communist rule, as well as the dominant factors influencing those assessments, including memory and the state. The historical narratives taught in post-Soviet Russian classrooms, serve as an indicator of the evolution of democratic processes, national identity and historical consciousness in Russia.<p> In addition to a survey of secondary source literature, my methodology includes the evaluation of interviews and surveys I conducted in 2009 and 2010 from over thirty secondary school history teachers in six Russian localities (in the Novosibirsk region, Moscow and St. Petersburg). I also assess the chapter contents of 15 widely-used high school history textbooks from the period of 1988 to 2009.<p> In the newly democratic Russian state, the government (including the Ministry of Education) played a central role in the reform agenda of schools. During these formative decades, the process took a revolutionary pattern, with a radical, more liberal, stage of reform occurring in the early 1990s and a more conservative, traditional retreat taking place from the mid-1990s onwards. In response to societys widespread discontent over the changes which took place in Russian schools in the 1990s, President Vladimir V. Putin took a more active role in education reform than his predecessor, Boris N. Yeltsin, especially in the realm of history education. Putins more centralized approach resulted in stricter controls on curriculum and textbook publication. Accordingly, history education was employed as a tool of the state to shape patriotic citizens through the restricting of various historical interpretations.<p> Gorbachev as leader, perestroika and the end of the Soviet Union are controversial historical topics in Russia due to the social and economic upheaval that took place during and after these years. Textbook analysis of this period often reflected dominant political discourses in Russia. In the 1990s the interpretations were quite varied as Russians were unsure of how to assess such recent history. In the 2000s the textbook interpretations became more streamlined, and Gorbachev became a scapegoat for many subsequent state problems. In contrast, history teachers opinions about the Gorbachev era did not appear to change as markedly. Many factors weigh in on an individuals interpretation of this historical period, but memory plays an especially prominent role in the teaching of the topic. Nevertheless, history teachers and textbook authors, reflecting Russian society at large, used historical myths in the teaching of the Gorbachev era, and this thesis documents these myths and sheds light on which were most prevalent and which lost favour.

Trijų dalių tapybos kolekcija „Šeimos portretas“ – tai tremtį išgyvenusių vyro ir žmonos psichologinis portretas. Kūrybinė interpretacija paremta sovietinio laikotarpio nuotraukomis. Tapybos darbuose keliama problema – skaudžios tremtinių patirties vaizdavimas. Politiniu, istoriniu, teisiniu atžvilgiu svarbi tema lemia archyvuojamų dokumentų saugojimą, žiniasklaidos aktyvumą, asmeninių patirčių pasakojimus, - atvirą galimybę menininkams įvairiai interpretuoti tremties temą – vaizduoti įvykius, procesus, padarinius, abstrahuoti, apibendrinti tikrovę ir individualias patirtis. Kolekcijos „Šeimos portretas“ temai atspirties tašku tapo fotografo V. Stanionio 1947 metų fotosesija, skirta naujų pasų nuotraukoms. To meto įvykiai susiję su masiniu trėmimu. Kūrybinė medžiaga kaupiama įvairiais būdais: skaitmenine spauda, vaizdą perkeliant ant drobės, grafiškų atspaudų kūrimu, tapybos variantų ieškojimu, schemų sudarymu kompiuterinėmis programomis (Photoshop, Corel Draw). Galutinis darbas atliekamas drobėje, aliejiniais dažais. Trijų dalių tapybos kolekcija atliekama 140 x 100 cm formate. Kompozicija artima altorinei, ji yra centrinė, uždara. Koloritas analogiškas nespalvotai fotografijai. Dramatiška šviesokaita, niaurių šešėlių pritvinkusiu fonu, siekiama išryškinti trapią nuotraukų šviesą. Baltais, tuščiais fragmentais kalba nyki tyla. Tremtis – šeimos, žmonijos laikmečio tamsi dėmė, prisiminimų ir vilties šviesoje. / The three-part paintings' collection called "The Family Portrait" is the psychological portrait of the family witch survived the exile. Creative interpretation is based on the Soviet period photographs. The problem posed by paintings is to depict painful experience of persons who survived an exile. Politically, historically, legally important issue determined archived documents storage, information motion, media activity, personal experiences. Stories became the open opportunity for the artists to interpret the theme of exile in different various ways – as the events, the processes or the effections. Abstract and summed up reality becames an individual experience. The starting point for the collection is 1947-th photo session for the new passports organised by photographer V. Stanionis. The recent events related to the mass deportations. The creative material is collected in various ways: by digital printing, an image transphered into the canvas, by graphically print design, by search options for painting plasics, schemes projected by computer software (Photoshop, Corel Draw). The final work is done on canvas using oil paints. Every three-piece collection takes 140 x 100 cm size. Composition close to the altar, it is a central and enclosed. The colours were chosed similar to the blac-white photography. The dramatic change of the concrasts, somber shadows filled up the background highlights the delicate images of the light. White and empty fragments speaks about the... [to full text]