Qual é o papel do Rio Grande do Norte na construção da memória histórica do Brasil? Esta pergunta foi fundamental para a elite política e intelectual norte-rio-grandense da virada do século XIX e início do XX. Diante de um cenário de redimensionamento da relação entre o todo (a união) e as partes (os estados), graças à recomposição do federalismo na República, as oligarquias estaduais elaboraram projetos identitários com o interesse de instituir um lugar, um papel, para os estados na construção da memória histórica do Brasil. No caso do Rio Grande do Norte, o referido projeto foi concretizado com a criação do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico do Rio Grande do Norte (IHGRN), fundado em 29 de março de 1902. Partimos da tese de que a preocupação em construir a memória do estado e estabelecer a partir dela um lugar para o Rio Grande do Norte na elaboração da memória nacional tornou-se o elemento norteador das principais atividades intelectuais organizadas pelo IHGRN, pelo menos, ao longo dos seus primeiros 25 anos de existência. Para realizarem esse objetivo, verificamos que o IHGRN se utilizou, principalmente, de três estratégias: a escrita da história, a comemoração e a biografia. Nesse sentido, o objetivo principal deste trabalho é analisar de que forma essas três estratégias contribuíram para a formulação de uma memória norte-rio-grandense. / What is the role of Rio Grande do Norte in the construction of the historical memory of Brazil? This question was fundamental for the potiguar intellectual and political elite of the turn of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Faced with a scenario of resizing the relationship between the whole (the union) and the parts (the states), thanks to the recomposition of federalism in the Republic, the state oligarchies developed identity projects with the interest of establishing a place, a role, for the states in the construction of the historical memory of Brazil. In the case of Rio Grande do Norte, this project was accomplished with the creation of the Institute Historical and Geographical of Rio Grande do Norte (IHGRN), founded on March 29, 1902. We start from the thesis that the concern to build the memory of the state and establish a place for Rio Grande do Norte in the elaboration of the national memory became the guiding element of the main intellectual activities organized by the IHGRN, at least during its first 25 years of existence. In order to accomplish this goal, we verified that the IHGRN was mainly used of three strategies: the writing of the history, the celebration and the biography. In this sense, the main objective of this work is to analyze how these three strategies contributed to the formulation of a potiguar memory.

The aim of the present paper is to study the role that lived and historical memories havein the conformation of collective memory through the participant’s appraisals in the recent past of Argentina. These memories operate as sources that nurture collective memory. Lived memories are related to live experiences, while historical memories are related to indirect sources that inform about the past. 60 participants, divided in two groups (above and below 46 years of age) appraised the present and recent past, based on lived and historical memories. Results show that lived or autobiographical and historical memories contribute differently to collective memory. / Se estudia el rol que desempeñan los recuerdos vividos e históricos en la memoria colectiva por medio de la valoración del pasado reciente argentino. Estos recuerdos operan como fuentes que nutren a la memoria colectiva. Los recuerdos vividos están vinculados a la experiencia directa, mientras que los recuerdos históricos a las fuentes indirectas que informan sobre el pasado. 60 participantes, divididos en dos grupos (mayores y menores de 46 años), realizaron valoraciones sobre el presente y el pasado reciente, en base a recuerdos vividos y en recuerdos históricos. Los resultados muestran que los recuerdos vividos o autobiográficos tienen una incidencia distinta en las valoraciones que los recuerdos históricos.

Qual é o papel do Rio Grande do Norte na construção da memória histórica do Brasil? Esta pergunta foi fundamental para a elite política e intelectual norte-rio-grandense da virada do século XIX e início do XX. Diante de um cenário de redimensionamento da relação entre o todo (a união) e as partes (os estados), graças à recomposição do federalismo na República, as oligarquias estaduais elaboraram projetos identitários com o interesse de instituir um lugar, um papel, para os estados na construção da memória histórica do Brasil. No caso do Rio Grande do Norte, o referido projeto foi concretizado com a criação do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico do Rio Grande do Norte (IHGRN), fundado em 29 de março de 1902. Partimos da tese de que a preocupação em construir a memória do estado e estabelecer a partir dela um lugar para o Rio Grande do Norte na elaboração da memória nacional tornou-se o elemento norteador das principais atividades intelectuais organizadas pelo IHGRN, pelo menos, ao longo dos seus primeiros 25 anos de existência. Para realizarem esse objetivo, verificamos que o IHGRN se utilizou, principalmente, de três estratégias: a escrita da história, a comemoração e a biografia. Nesse sentido, o objetivo principal deste trabalho é analisar de que forma essas três estratégias contribuíram para a formulação de uma memória norte-rio-grandense. / What is the role of Rio Grande do Norte in the construction of the historical memory of Brazil? This question was fundamental for the potiguar intellectual and political elite of the turn of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Faced with a scenario of resizing the relationship between the whole (the union) and the parts (the states), thanks to the recomposition of federalism in the Republic, the state oligarchies developed identity projects with the interest of establishing a place, a role, for the states in the construction of the historical memory of Brazil. In the case of Rio Grande do Norte, this project was accomplished with the creation of the Institute Historical and Geographical of Rio Grande do Norte (IHGRN), founded on March 29, 1902. We start from the thesis that the concern to build the memory of the state and establish a place for Rio Grande do Norte in the elaboration of the national memory became the guiding element of the main intellectual activities organized by the IHGRN, at least during its first 25 years of existence. In order to accomplish this goal, we verified that the IHGRN was mainly used of three strategies: the writing of the history, the celebration and the biography. In this sense, the main objective of this work is to analyze how these three strategies contributed to the formulation of a potiguar memory.

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The current study contemplates the relationship between narrative structure and memory in five contemporary Spanish novels. Since the Spanish Transition to Democracy literary critics have been quick to discuss the resurgence of historical memory in narrative. In particular, there has been an abundance of work that seeks to vindicate those who supported the Second Republic during the Spanish Civil War, but whose voices were silenced upon the republic's fall to Franco's army in 1939. Nevertheless, despite the wide critical recognition of a movement to recuperate Spanish historical memory, critics have largely ignored the role played by narrative structure in the construction of said memory during the 1990's and the first decade of the 21st century. Contemplating what Hayden White calls "the content of the form" at the stylistic level as well as at the level of each novel's macrostructure, this study demonstrates that the narrative techniques utilized by Juan Marsé, Manual Rivas, Dulce Chacón, Javier Cercas and Bernardo Atxaga cast a particularly postmodern light onto the darker mnemonic shadows of the Spanish Civil War and Franco's dictatorship. Through a series of typically postmodern mechanisms, such as the use of multiple narrators, mediated texts and constant dialog between varying levels of fiction and metafiction, these narratives transcend mere historic reflection and nostalgia in order to contemplate the subjective nature of the very mnemonic processes through which they are ostensibly created. The narrative structures of the works discussed in this study emphasize the fact that objective truth cannot be attained by means of present, postmodern remembering, much less when said remembering is linguistically mediated through narration. Thus, rather than seeking in vain to recuperate an unascertainable historical truth, these authors create highly structured, though purely esthetic, fictional representations of history, representations whose narrative forms are a prescription for the epistemic ills of the disillusioned, fragmented and uprooted postmodern implicit reader.

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This dissertation analyzes selected pieces of work related to the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) produced during the twenty-first-century as cultural artifacts to be considered in their historical and socio-political context. Specifically, my dissertation focuses on the relationship between the way the conflict is depicted and the message it conveys. Parting from the premise that there has been an overproduction of lieu de mémoire that has transformed the Spanish war into a cultural trend, the civil war-esque, I study a number of humor works. Precisely, these humorous works deconstruct such trend by considering its most common characteristics: the use of metafiction and nostalgia. The Introduction presents the socio-political situation of contemporary Spain, the civil war-esque trend, and different categories of humor. In the first chapter I focus on the TV-series Plaza de España (2011). By combining the theoretical framework of the sitcom and the Critical Analysis of Discourse, I demonstrate that the program reinforces the official message in regard to the Spanish recent past. In the second chapter I examine the novel La comedia salvaje (2009) by José Ovejero. This parody, understood by the lens of Bakhtin, invites the readers to be skeptical about what they know and what they have been told about the war. In the third chapter I study the film The Last Circus I (2010) by Álex de la Iglesia. Departing from an esperpento, the film leaves this genre behind and transforms itself into a satire which demythifies the traditional research method, such as visiting archives or interviewing witnesses, and opts for imagination to reproduce a traumatic past. Finally, the goal of this dissertation is to help envisage that a wider, and at the same time critical representation, of the Spanish Civil War its possible, and in turn could lead on to a potential change in the Spanish current cultural production as well as its social and political situation.

本論文將重新探討湖南新政的實際成效與其形象的塑造過程。在現今的學界中，對湖南新政的認識受限於維新人士的觀點。因而對湖南新政之認識，往往停留在「新舊之爭」上。此觀點往往過於僵化，侷限研究者的視野。因而，在這種歷史認識的限制下，研究者沒法解釋當時錯綜複雜的歷史事實，故只有去熟悉化，以不同的眼光去重新書寫此段歷史，重新還原當時之歷史時空，才能找回失去的歷史知識。 本論文會先探討地方官吏在湖南新政中的角色與貢獻。江標、陳寶箴、張之洞等人在湖南新政中所扮演的角色相當重要，惟後人對其的認識，往往是經過維新人士而來，因而不免與歷史事實有所落差。所以，重新研究地方官吏的角色，則有助於重新檢討湖南新政之形成過程。 在以往的研究中，對於湖南保衛局在湖南新政的影響力，缺乏深入的研究。事實上，在湖南新政的主事者看來，湖南保衛局是為湖南新政成敗之關鍵。本論文將探討湖南保衛局的興起與頓挫，其重點將放在湖南保衛局的構想之形成，在其實行過程中所遇到之困難，以此作為了解湖南新政的一個側面。在湖南保衛局施行過程中，不同人士都對於保衛局的實行有所討論，亦對於其有所批評。而從保衛局的實施過程中，可以證明這些批評有其道理。不過，由於受到「新舊之爭」思維的影響，後人對於這些批評者，多視其為「守舊」，因而對其言論多以負面眼光看待。事實上，這些批評者也是推動新政的主力。但是，在後來的歷史論述中，往往忽略這些史事。究其原因，與湖南士人之間的論爭有所關連。而這亦是決定湖南新政前途的重要關鍵。 所以，本論文將分析湖南士人之間論爭之起因，以及論爭的經過。在此過程中，不同士人之間因各種原因而產生矛盾與衝突，從而使得湖南新政遭受衝擊。這些衝擊有的來自於湖南士人本身，也有一些是來自於省外。而這些衝擊，很大程度上與康有為有相當密切之關連。湖南新政與戊戌變法在本質上就有所不同，而康有為一派意圖影響湖南新政的發展，引來不少士人的反彈。因此，士人之間開始出現分歧。而反對康有為一方之人士，往往援引省外反對康有為的言論作為思想資源，以抗衝康學，拿回新政的主導權。因此，他們所反對的，只是康有為一派的康學，而非針對西學。 因此，從當時的歷史時空看來，參與論爭的雙方在思想上均沒有太大的分別。他們對於西學，都抱持接納的態度；在新政的事務上，他們都有所參與。但在後人看來，王先謙等人被貼上「守舊」的標籤。因此，這種觀點如何形成？本身就是一個值得探討的課題。所以，本論文將探討當時人如何看待湖南新政，並從而形成中國近代政治文化的其中一種特色。在當事人看來，湖南新政並沒有因戊戌政變而中止，在後來仍有所延續。而在日本人看來，湖南士人並沒有所謂的新舊之別。革命黨人和立憲黨人都以湖南新政作為他們的政治本錢，因而塑造一種「新舊之爭」的氛圍。在報刊等傳播媒介的推動下，這種湖南的「新舊之爭」成為當時人的歷史想像，並成為後人對於該段歷史的集體記憶。

Frente à necessidade emergente de se esclarecer os obscuros períodos de ditaduras e violência de Estado na América Latina ou de construir e manter versões que os neguem surge em diversos países um novo conflito entre os diferentes setores da sociedade, que agora disputam qual versão sobre o passado ascenderá ao status de verdade. A memória coletiva, como fenômeno construído a partir de relações sociais e constituidor dessas mesmas relações, ao ser transformada em memória histórica, aquela que é legitimada institucionalmente, parece ser um meio de determinar o que deve e o que não deve ser recordado, possibilitando o reconhecimento ou o apagamento de identidades. Muitos dos processos de reconstrução e recuperação de memória desenvolvidos nos últimos anos reproduzem modelos ocidentalocêntricos de pensar e fazer, excluindo o saber de grupos historicamente marginalizados. A produção de informes e publicações com dados sobre os eventos violentos do passado, ganha mais relevância que as vidas que relataram tais eventos. Estratégias para que se rompa o silêncio são elaboradas sem que se questione como fazer falar o silêncio sem que ele fale necessariamente a língua hegemônica que o pretende fazer falar. Muitas comunidades cansadas de esperar que se cumpram seus direitos por parte do governo, decidem levar a cabo suas próprias formas de reparação do tecido social, desenvolvendo processos de recuperação e reconstrução de memória particulares, destinados à reorganização e remotivação, a partir, sobretudo, das memórias de suas resistências. A Guatemala, como país tremendamente afetado por 36 anos de conflito armado interno, tem concentrado em seu pequeno território, uma imensidão de processos de memória. Sendo a população indígena a mais atingida pela violência do conflito armado, pelo racismo e pela discriminação até os dias de hoje, muitos destes processos não visam tratar causas estruturais da violência, e as próprias comunidades terminam por desenvolver estratégias para seguir resistindo. A partir das memórias destas resistências, lidas, escutadas e vividas ao longo da presente pesquisa, pretende-se refletir sobre os efeitos das políticas de recuperação e reconstrução de memória como modos de reparar os danos causados pela violência política. Para tal, serão propostas algumas relações entre racionalidade colonial e memória histórica, a partir do recente movimento descolonial latino americano; será traçado um caminho de leitura pela história da Guatemala, para chegar-se às contribuições que podem ser feitas ao campo, a partir de um caso específico de recuperação e reconstrução de memória histórica na Guatemala. / Regarding the emerging need to clarify the hazy periods of dictatorships and State violence in Latin America or the need to build and maintain versions that deny them in many countries a new conflict emerges, between the different sectors of society, which now dispute which version about the past will earn the status of truth. Collective memory, as a phenomenon built over social relationships and something which constitutes these very relationships, when transformed in historical memory, the one which is institutionally legitimated, seems like a mean to determine what should and what should not be remembered, allowing the recognition or the erasure of identities. Many of the processes of reconstruction and recuperation of memory developed in the last years reproduce Western-centric models of thinking and doing, ruling out the knowledge of historically marginalized groups. The production of reports and publications with data regarding violent events of the past gains more relevance than the lives that reported such events. Strategies to break the silence are elaborated without questioning how to make silence speak without it speaking necessarily the hegemonic language that intends to make it speak. Many communities, tired of waiting for their rights to be fulfilled by the government, decide to perform their own ways of repairing the social tissue, developing processes of recuperation and reconstruction of particular memories, aiming to the reorganization and remotivation, from, above all, the memories of their resistances. Guatemala, as a country tremendously affected by 36 years of internal armed conflict, has been concentrating in its small territory a huge amount of memory processes. Being the indigenous population the most affected by the violence of the armed conflict, by racism and discrimination until nowadays, many of these processes do not aim to treat the structural causes of violence, and communities themselves end up developing strategies to keep resisting. From the memories of these resistances, read, listened and lived throughout the present research, it is intended to reflect upon the effects of the policies of recuperation and reconstruction of memory as means to repair the damage caused by political violence. For such, some relations will be proposed between colonial rationality and historical memory, a reading scrip will be traced through the history of Guatemala aiming to reach out to the contributions that can be made to the field, from a specific case of recuperation and reconstruction of historical memory from Guatemala.