Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:31:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabiana de Andrade.pdf: 1722405 bytes, checksum: 4661c533c91d89aaebd7113cfaed01e6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-06 / The aim of this thesis is to present the research and intervention carried out at the Terra Prometida (Promised Land) Settlement located in the Municipality of Felisburgo in the State of Minas Gerais, Brazil. In 2004, there was a massacre of the landless workers living at the settlement, which became known as The Felisburgo Massacre . It is intended to present the context of the massacre according to the Reconstruction of Historical Memory theoretical perspective while also relating it to wider context of the struggle for land in Brazil. We will discuss the subject on the basis of psycho-social studies and interventions in cases of extreme violence and relate them to the process producing affects based on the concept of ethical-political suffering coined by Sawaia. This concept seeks to analyze the political dimension of affects based on the use of this term in the work of Vygotsky and Spinoza. In order to do this, we used the work of authors who shared a socio-historical approach so that we could understand the structure/nature of the affects that constitute psycho-social trauma. The methodology is based on the premises of Socio-Historical Psychology and Liberation Psychology and the analysis of affects on Vygotskian theory. We concluded that from the workers point of view it is essential to raise the question of the massacre and share the suffering resulting from it in order to deepen both understanding of its real causes and its possible psychological consequences and to avoid it being seen as a normal phenomenon. The analysis of the data revealed the existence of mechanisms, affects and psycho-social reactions already studied by Riquelme (1993) and Martín-Baró (2000) among others, and which we have termed psycho-social trauma . In addition to this the workers were encouraged to give think carefully about the question of the seizure and occupation of land and the lack of social justice that makes them vulnerable to processes of re-traumatization. It was held that suffering and traumatization do not heal themselves or simply fade away with the passage of time. In order to break the cycle of repetition they have to be reworked. It is our opinion that Psychology can intervene in a therapeutic community by producing deep analysis with the aim of raising consciousness about the event and its consequences. The aim of the intervention was to ensure that the landless workers understood that the violent process which produced the massacre goes beyond the event itself and forms part of the historical process leading to the emergence of the Brazilian people, a process stained by innumerable forms of violence against workers. Faced with an official policy of silence, we have to develop actions to publicize the narratives, memories and diverse expressions (subjectivisations) which can be used to break through the curtain of silence and trivialization of this chain of historical violence in our country. Reversing the effects of psycho-social trauma thus means producing reflective consciousness and intensifying action / O objetivo desta Tese é apresentar uma pesquisa-intervenção realizada no acampamento Terra Prometida, em Felisburgo/MG, onde ocorreu um massacre contra trabalhadores rurais sem terra, em 2004, e que ficou conhecido como o Massacre de Felisburgo . Para tanto, apresenta o contexto do massacre, na perspectiva de reconstrução da memória histórica, relacionando-o com o contexto mais amplo de luta pela terra no Brasil; realiza uma discussão partindo dos estudos e intervenções psicossociais em casos de violência extrema e os relaciona à política de produção de afetos, a partir do conceito de sofrimento ético-político cunhado por Sawaia que, resgatando obras de Vigotski e Espinosa analisa a dimensão política dos afetos. Assim, utilizamos as contribuições de autores que compartilham de uma visão sócio-histórica, para compreender a composição dos afetos que configuram o trauma psicossocial. A metodologia é baseada nos pressupostos da Psicologia sócio-histórica e da Libertação. Pudemos verificar que, do ponto de vista dos trabalhadores, é fundamental tematizar o massacre e compartilhar o sofrimento decorrente, para fortalecer a compreensão das verdadeiras causas do acontecimento, ampliando a compreensão sobre as possíveis consequências psicológicas produzidas, evitando sua banalização. A análise dos dados revela mecanismos, sentimentos e reações psicossociais já estudados por Riquelme (1993) e Martín Baró (2000), entre outros autores, e que estamos denominando como trauma psicossocial. Os trabalhadores refletem sobre a questão da ocupação de terras e a falta de justiça que os tornam vulneráveis a processos de re-traumatização. Consideramos que o sofrimento e a traumatização não se curam ou se esvaecem com o tempo, mas são reproduzidos subjetiva e objetivamente e, no caso desta pesquisa, pela impunidade dos executores. Para que se interrompa o ciclo de repetição, eles têm de ser rememorados coletivamente, para substituir emoções tristes por emoções potentes é preciso que seja cumprida a justiça e rememorado afetiva e publicamente o acontecimento. Compreendemos que a Psicologia pode intervir em uma terapêutica comunitária a partir da produção de reflexões sobre os afetos, ou seja, sobre a forma como o corpo e a mente foram afetados pelo trauma, permitindo que os trabalhadores compreendam que o processo histórico de produção de violência ultrapassa a experiência específica ocorrida ali. O silêncio faz parte do processo de re-traumatização, vivido como medo, humilhação e culpa. Frente ao silenciamento, temos de publicizar produções de narrativas, memórias e expressões diversas (subjetivações) a partir das quais seja possível a ruptura da banalização dessas violências históricas em nosso País. Desse modo, reverter o trauma psicossocial significa tornar o sofrimento dizível e reflexivo coletivamente para aumentar a potência de pensar da consciência e de agir do corpo, individual e coletivo, mas também lutar socialmente contra a impunidade e a violência no campo, que constituem um dos pilares da traumatização sequencial e da re-traumatização. Teoricamente, a Tese concorda com Baró de que os traumas psíquicos não são imprevisíveis e de caráter individual, mas psicossociais e sequenciais. Nossos dados demonstram que se trata de processos de re-traumatização, não só por conta da memória e da cristalização de sentimentos, mas pela perpetuação social da violência

The Indigenous past is largely absent from settler representations of the history of the city of Toronto, Canada. Nineteenth and twentieth century historical chroniclers often downplayed the historic presence of the Mississaugas and their Indigenous predecessors by drawing on doctrines of terra nullius, ignoring the significance of the Toronto Purchase, and changing the city’s foundational story from the establishment of York in 1793 to the incorporation of the City of Toronto in 1834. These chroniclers usually assumed that “real Indians” and urban life were inimical. Often their representations implied that local Indigenous peoples had no significant history and thus the region had little or no history before the arrival of Europeans. Alternatively, narratives of ethical settler indigenization positioned the Indigenous past as the uncivilized starting point in a monological European theory of historical development. In many civic discourses, the city stood in for the nation as a symbol of its future, and national history stood in for the region’s local history. The national replaced ‘the Indigenous’ in an ideological process that peaked between the 1880s and the 1930s. Concurrently, the loyalist Six Nations were often represented as the only Indigenous people with ties to Torontonians, while the specific historical identity of the Mississaugas was erased. The role of both the government and local settlers in crowding the Mississaugas out of their lands on the Credit River was rationalized as a natural process, while Indigenous land claims, historical interpretations, and mnemonic forms were rarely accorded legitimacy by non-Indigenous city residents. After World War II, with new influxes of both Indigenous peoples and multicultural immigrants into the city, colonial narratives of Toronto history were increasingly challenged and replaced by multiple stories or narrative fragments. Indigenous residents created their own representations of Toronto as an Indigenous place with an Indigenous history; emphasizing continuous occupation and spiritual connections between place and ancestors. Today, contention among Indigenous groups over the fairness of the Mississauga land claim, epistemic differences between western and Indigenous conceptions of history, and ongoing settler disavowal of the impact of colonialism have precluded any simple or consensual narrative of Toronto’s past.

The Indigenous past is largely absent from settler representations of the history of the city of Toronto, Canada. Nineteenth and twentieth century historical chroniclers often downplayed the historic presence of the Mississaugas and their Indigenous predecessors by drawing on doctrines of terra nullius, ignoring the significance of the Toronto Purchase, and changing the city’s foundational story from the establishment of York in 1793 to the incorporation of the City of Toronto in 1834. These chroniclers usually assumed that “real Indians” and urban life were inimical. Often their representations implied that local Indigenous peoples had no significant history and thus the region had little or no history before the arrival of Europeans. Alternatively, narratives of ethical settler indigenization positioned the Indigenous past as the uncivilized starting point in a monological European theory of historical development. In many civic discourses, the city stood in for the nation as a symbol of its future, and national history stood in for the region’s local history. The national replaced ‘the Indigenous’ in an ideological process that peaked between the 1880s and the 1930s. Concurrently, the loyalist Six Nations were often represented as the only Indigenous people with ties to Torontonians, while the specific historical identity of the Mississaugas was erased. The role of both the government and local settlers in crowding the Mississaugas out of their lands on the Credit River was rationalized as a natural process, while Indigenous land claims, historical interpretations, and mnemonic forms were rarely accorded legitimacy by non-Indigenous city residents. After World War II, with new influxes of both Indigenous peoples and multicultural immigrants into the city, colonial narratives of Toronto history were increasingly challenged and replaced by multiple stories or narrative fragments. Indigenous residents created their own representations of Toronto as an Indigenous place with an Indigenous history; emphasizing continuous occupation and spiritual connections between place and ancestors. Today, contention among Indigenous groups over the fairness of the Mississauga land claim, epistemic differences between western and Indigenous conceptions of history, and ongoing settler disavowal of the impact of colonialism have precluded any simple or consensual narrative of Toronto’s past.

Touring the state in the early 1980s, the “Texas Women: A Celebration of History” exhibit was the first attempt to create a comprehensive, public Texas women’s history narrative. Surprisingly, the exhibit was organized not by academics or museum professionals, but rather by the Texas Foundation for Women’s Resources—a nascent second-wave feminist non-profit organization composed of up-and-coming political activists such as Ann Richards, Sarah Weddington, Jane Hickie, and Martha Smiley. Through an analysis of the exhibit, as well as archival research and oral histories with many of the participants, this thesis explores the reasons that a feminist organization with finite resources would choose to focus on the production of women’s history as a tool of feminist activism. The “Texas Women” exhibit was a uniquely effective way for the members of the Texas Foundation for Women’s Resources to express their feminist values in a culturally palatable way and to create embodied moments of feminist consciousness for their audience. Furthermore, it paved the way for the organization’s future successful feminist projects, fed the production of Texas women’s history initiatives around the state, and served as a springboard that helped launch Ann Richards’ successful political career. / text

Frente à necessidade emergente de se esclarecer os obscuros períodos de ditaduras e violência de Estado na América Latina ou de construir e manter versões que os neguem surge em diversos países um novo conflito entre os diferentes setores da sociedade, que agora disputam qual versão sobre o passado ascenderá ao status de verdade. A memória coletiva, como fenômeno construído a partir de relações sociais e constituidor dessas mesmas relações, ao ser transformada em memória histórica, aquela que é legitimada institucionalmente, parece ser um meio de determinar o que deve e o que não deve ser recordado, possibilitando o reconhecimento ou o apagamento de identidades. Muitos dos processos de reconstrução e recuperação de memória desenvolvidos nos últimos anos reproduzem modelos ocidentalocêntricos de pensar e fazer, excluindo o saber de grupos historicamente marginalizados. A produção de informes e publicações com dados sobre os eventos violentos do passado, ganha mais relevância que as vidas que relataram tais eventos. Estratégias para que se rompa o silêncio são elaboradas sem que se questione como fazer falar o silêncio sem que ele fale necessariamente a língua hegemônica que o pretende fazer falar. Muitas comunidades cansadas de esperar que se cumpram seus direitos por parte do governo, decidem levar a cabo suas próprias formas de reparação do tecido social, desenvolvendo processos de recuperação e reconstrução de memória particulares, destinados à reorganização e remotivação, a partir, sobretudo, das memórias de suas resistências. A Guatemala, como país tremendamente afetado por 36 anos de conflito armado interno, tem concentrado em seu pequeno território, uma imensidão de processos de memória. Sendo a população indígena a mais atingida pela violência do conflito armado, pelo racismo e pela discriminação até os dias de hoje, muitos destes processos não visam tratar causas estruturais da violência, e as próprias comunidades terminam por desenvolver estratégias para seguir resistindo. A partir das memórias destas resistências, lidas, escutadas e vividas ao longo da presente pesquisa, pretende-se refletir sobre os efeitos das políticas de recuperação e reconstrução de memória como modos de reparar os danos causados pela violência política. Para tal, serão propostas algumas relações entre racionalidade colonial e memória histórica, a partir do recente movimento descolonial latino americano; será traçado um caminho de leitura pela história da Guatemala, para chegar-se às contribuições que podem ser feitas ao campo, a partir de um caso específico de recuperação e reconstrução de memória histórica na Guatemala. / Regarding the emerging need to clarify the hazy periods of dictatorships and State violence in Latin America or the need to build and maintain versions that deny them in many countries a new conflict emerges, between the different sectors of society, which now dispute which version about the past will earn the status of truth. Collective memory, as a phenomenon built over social relationships and something which constitutes these very relationships, when transformed in historical memory, the one which is institutionally legitimated, seems like a mean to determine what should and what should not be remembered, allowing the recognition or the erasure of identities. Many of the processes of reconstruction and recuperation of memory developed in the last years reproduce Western-centric models of thinking and doing, ruling out the knowledge of historically marginalized groups. The production of reports and publications with data regarding violent events of the past gains more relevance than the lives that reported such events. Strategies to break the silence are elaborated without questioning how to make silence speak without it speaking necessarily the hegemonic language that intends to make it speak. Many communities, tired of waiting for their rights to be fulfilled by the government, decide to perform their own ways of repairing the social tissue, developing processes of recuperation and reconstruction of particular memories, aiming to the reorganization and remotivation, from, above all, the memories of their resistances. Guatemala, as a country tremendously affected by 36 years of internal armed conflict, has been concentrating in its small territory a huge amount of memory processes. Being the indigenous population the most affected by the violence of the armed conflict, by racism and discrimination until nowadays, many of these processes do not aim to treat the structural causes of violence, and communities themselves end up developing strategies to keep resisting. From the memories of these resistances, read, listened and lived throughout the present research, it is intended to reflect upon the effects of the policies of recuperation and reconstruction of memory as means to repair the damage caused by political violence. For such, some relations will be proposed between colonial rationality and historical memory, a reading scrip will be traced through the history of Guatemala aiming to reach out to the contributions that can be made to the field, from a specific case of recuperation and reconstruction of historical memory from Guatemala.

[ES] La presente tesis doctoral surge como respuesta a la problemática de la destrucción de la memoria histórica de Bosnia y Herzegovina, comenzada con la guerra de 1992 e institucionalizada a través de la legislación de los Acuerdos de Paz de Dayton. Se exponen en ella las causas históricas de esta destrucción y sus consecuencias, tanto las más inmediatas, a saber, la destrucción física del patrimonio del país, como las más remanentes, esto es, la descripción de la historia según las aspiraciones etnonacionalistas que causaron el conflicto. Sobre estos hechos, se ha hecho un estudio doble: por una parte, una investigación histórica hasta la actualidad sobre la escultura de Bosnia y Herzegovina, de la cual la figura de Alija Kucukalic destaca como máximo exponente y como prueba de que la tradición escultórica de Bosnia y Herzegovina tiene una evolución clara hacia la modernidad; por otra, un conjunto de propuestas prácticas que han permitido divulgar la obra artística y el legado cultural del escultor Alija Kucukalic, con el fin de exponer la importancia que tuvo su trabajo, tanto escultórico como pedagógico, para el desarrollo artístico de Bosnia y Herzegovina. En particular, la revisión política e histórica de Bosnia y Herzegovina realizada en esta investigación ha permitido mostrar que las ideologías etnonacionalistas que se han respetado en los Acuerdos de Paz de Dayton, según el cual Bosnia y Herzegovina ha quedado dividida en dos Entidades, una de etnia serbia, y otra de mayoría de etnia bosnia y croata, suponen un impedimento absoluto tanto en el avance de la cultura como en la misma preservación de la misma. Afirmando los Acuerdos de Paz de Dayton que los ciudadanos de Bosnia y Herzegovina forman tres pueblos constituyentes, y dejando el gobierno de las instituciones culturales a las Entidades, divididas según las etnias mayoritarias de las respectivas zonas, la cultura en Bosnia y Herzegovina depende de acuerdos entre las tres divisiones étnicas del país, cuyos desacuerdos fueron el origen del último conflicto. Sobre este contexto político, el caso particular de Alija Kucukalic se ve en una suerte de ostracismo, en tanto que es un artista al que no se puede adscribir a ninguna de las ideologías políticas vigentes en el país, sino que su obra representa a todo el pueblo bosnio por igual. Este hecho favorece el progresivo deterioro de su obra, que hasta la realización de esta tesis doctoral estaba totalmente olvidada por parte de las instituciones de Bosnia y Herzegovina. En concreto, Alija Kucukalic fue asesinado durante la guerra como parte de la estrategia de elitocidio que constaba en el asesinato individual y en masas de las élites intelectuales de Bosnia y Herzegovina, su obra fue robada y destruida durante la guerra, su atelier del escultor invadido, y en la actualidad, el vacío legal que dejaron los Acuerdos de Paz de Dayton sobre el cuidado del patrimonio cultural ha provocado que el vandalismo se apodere de la obra pública de Alija Kucukalic. Como solución a este problema, se ha demostrado con la presente tesis doctoral que es necesario llevar a cabo acciones de salvaguardia del legado cultural y artístico de Alija Kucukalic , mediante la justificación de que con su obra Bosnia y Herzegovina adquirió renombre artístico internacional y de que con su labor pedagógica como profesor de escultura en la Academia (Facultad) de Bellas Artes de Sarajevo, de la que fue fundador, la tradición artística del país renació y sigue creciendo. Esta justificación se ha reforzado con el mencionado conjunto completo de actividades prácticas, que han tenido como resultados más importantes la apertura de la Fundación Atelier Memorial Alija Kucukalic, unida a la recuperación del atelier del escultor y a la primera exposición póstuma de su obra, y el inicio del proyecto de restauración de la obra de Alija Kucukalic, que ha comenzado con la restauración del parque memorial Vra / [CA] La present tesi doctoral sorgeix com a resposta a la problemàtica de la destrucció de la memòria històrica de Bòsnia i Hercegovina, començada amb la guerra de 1992 i institucionalitzada en la legislació dels Acords de Pau de Dayton. S'exposen les causes històriques d'aquesta destrucció i les seues conseqüències, tant les més immediates, és a dir, la destrucció física del patrimoni del país, com les més romanents, això és, la descripció de la història segons les aspiracions ètnic-nacionalistes que van causar el conflicte. Sobre aquests fets, s'ha fet un estudi doble: d'una banda, una recerca històrica fins a l'actualitat sobre l'escultura de Bòsnia i Hercegovina, de la qual la figura d'Alija Kucukalic destaca com a màxim exponent i com a prova que la tradició escultòrica de Bòsnia i Hercegovina té una evolució clara cap a la modernitat; de l'altra, un conjunt de propostes pràctiques que permeten divulgar l'obra artística i el llegat cultural de l'escultor Alija Kucukalic, per tal d'exposar la importància que va tindre el seu treball, tant escultòric com pedagògic, per al desenvolupament artístic de Bòsnia i Hercegovina. Concretament, la revisió política i històrica de Bòsnia i Hercegovina realitzada en aquesta investigació mostra que les ideologies ètnic-nacionalistes que s'han respectat en els Acords de Pau de Dayton, segons els quals el país ha quedat dividit en dues Entitats, una d'ètnia sèrbia, i una altra d'ètnia bosniana i croata, suposen un impediment absolut tant en l'avanç de la cultura com en la mateixa preservació d'aquesta. Afirmant els Acords de Pau de Dayton que els ciutadans de Bòsnia i Hercegovina formen tres pobles constituents, i cedint el govern de les institucions culturals a les entitats, dividides segons les ètnies majoritàries de les respectives zones, la cultura a Bòsnia i Hercegovina depèn d'acords entre les tres divisions ètniques del país, els desacords dels quals van ser l'origen de l'últim conflicte. En aquest context polític, el cas particular d'Alija Kucukalic es veu en una mena d'ostracisme, en tant que és un artista a qui no es pot adscriure a cap de les ideologies polítiques vigents al país, sinó que la seua obra afirma a tot el poble bosnià per igual. Aquest fet afavoreix la progressiva deterioració de la seua obra, que fins a la realització d'aquesta tesi estava totalment oblidada per part de les institucions de Bòsnia i Hercegovina. En concret, Alija Kucukalic va ser assassinat durant la guerra com a part de l'estratègia d'elitocidi que constava en l'assassinat individual i en masses de les elits intel·lectuals de Bòsnia i Hercegovina, la seua obra va ser robada i destruïda durant la guerra; el seu atelier de l'escultor, envaït; i en l'actualitat, el buit legal que van deixar els Acords de Pau de Dayton sobre la cura del patrimoni cultural ha provocat que el vandalisme s'apoderi de l'obra pública d'Alija Kucukalic. Com a solució a aquest problema, s'ha demostrat amb la present tesi doctoral que cal dur a terme accions de salvaguarda del llegat cultural i artístic d'Alija Kucukalic, mitjançant la justificació que amb la seua obra Bòsnia i Hercegovina va adquirir renom artístic internacional i que amb el seu trevall pedagògic com a professor d'escultura a l'Acadèmia de Belles Arts de Sarajevo, de la qual va ser fundador, la tradició artística del país va renéixer i segueix creixent. Aquesta justificació s'ha reforçat amb l'esmentat conjunt complet d'activitats pràctiques, que han tingut com a resultats més importants l'obertura de la Fundació Atelier Memorial Alija Kucukalic, unida a la recuperació de l'atelier de l'escultor i a la primera exposició pòstuma de la seua obra, i el inici del projecte de restauració de l'obra d'Alija Kucukalic, que ha començat amb la restauració de parc memorial Vraca, a Sarajevo, símbol d'unió nacional contra el feixisme. / [EN] The following doctoral thesis arises as a response to the problem of the destruction of the historical memory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which began with the war of 1992 and got institutionalized in the legislation of the Dayton Peace Agreement. The historical causes of this destruction and its consequences are exposed, both the most immediate, namely, the physical destruction of the country's heritage, and the most remaining: the description of history according to the ethno-nationalist aspirations that caused the conflict. On these facts, a double study has been made: on the one hand, a historical research to date on the sculpture of Bosnia and Herzegovina, of which Alija Kucukalic stands out as the greatest exponent in the second half of the 20th century and as a proof that the sculptural tradition of Bosnia and Herzegovina has a clear evolution towards modernity; on the other hand, a set of practical proposals that made possible the dissemination of the artistic work and cultural legacy of the sculptor Alija Kucukalic, in order to expose the importance that his sculptural and pedagogical work had for the artistic development of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In particular, the political and historical review of Bosnia and Herzegovina carried out in this research shows that the ethno-nationalist ideologies respected in the Dayton Peace Agreement, according to which the country has been divided into two Entities, one of Serbian ethnicity and another of Bosnian and Croatian ethnic groups, represent an absolute impediment both in the advancement of culture and in its preservation. By affirming the Dayton Peace Agreement that the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina form three constituent peoples and handing over the control of cultural Institutions to the Entities, which are divided according to the ethnic groups of their respective areas, culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina depends on agreements between the three ethnic divisions of the country, whose disagreements originated the last conflict. Within this political context, the case of AlijaKucukalic is found in a kind of ostracism, being he an artist who cannot be related to any of the political ideologies in force in the country, but whose work rather affirms the whole Bosnian people alike. This fact favors the progressive deterioration of his artworks, which until the completion of this thesis was totally forgotten by the Institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Specifically, Alija Kucukalic was assassinated at the beginning of the siege of Sarajevo as part of the elitocide strategy that consisted of the individual and mass murder of Bosnian intellectual elites; his work was stolen and destroyed during the war; his atelier, invaded; and at present the legal loophole left by the Dayton Peace Agreement on the care of cultural heritage has caused vandalism to seize his public work. As a solution to this problem, it is shown the need to carry out actions to safeguard the cultural and artistic legacy of Alija Kucukalic, by justifying that with his work Bosnia and Herzegovina acquired international artistic renown and that with his pedagogical work as a Professor of Sculpture at the Sarajevo Academy of Fine Arts, of which he was a founder, the country's artistic tradition was reborn and continues to grow. This justification has been reinforced with the aforementioned practical work, whose most important results are the legal constitution and registration of a cultural entity in the form of the Atelier Memorial Alija Kucukalic Foundation, joined to the recovery of the sculptor's atelier and the first posthumous exhibition of his work, everything focused on the lasting safeguarding of the memory of the sculptor Alija Kucukalic and his work, as well as on the protection of his works and his copyright; and the start of the restoration project of the artwork of Alija Kucukalic, which has begun with the restoration of the Vraca memorial park in Sarajevo, symbol of national union against fascism. / Kucukalic Ibrahimovic, L. (2021). Alija Kucukalic: El legado de uno de los clásicos de la escultura moderna de Bosnia y Herzegovina [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/171587 / TESIS

Abstract. This paper explores the memories of Soviet participants in the presence of Soviet troops in Czechoslovakia after 1968. Based on previously existing and new sources, information on the state of the media in the Central Group of Forces is summarized. At the same time, memories and assessments of events by their witnesses are given. Next, the historical myth about the presence of units of the National People's Army of the GDR on the territory of Czechoslovakia in 1968 and their actions against the local population was studied. An attempt is made to interpret this "false memory", widespread in the memoirs of Soviet narrators, to identify the causes of such a myth and its symbolic meaning for those who remember and listen. Also, it is discussed the problem of interpretation and evaluation of the events of 1968 in Czech and Russian collective memories, the attitude of both sides to the definition of the troop's invasion as an act of occupation. Revealed a diametrically opposite perception of this problem by both parties. This discussion naturally brings to the issue of the differences in Czech and Russian historical memories regarding the events of May 1945 and August 1968, the place of these events in symbolic memory and the reflection of these differences in relation of both sides to monumental...

Where I Come From - Velké Březno and the surrounding area The aim of this work is to create an educational project for pupils of the fourth and fifth grades to help them understand the connections between countryside, natural resources, population density, economic use of resources and development of transportation networks in the 19th and 20th centuries. The scope of this thesis is determined by the area encompassed by the school district of Velké Březno, that is, the right bank of the Elbe from Ústi nad Labem to Těchlovice. The theoretical part describes the area for which the project has been proposed from the socio- geographic point of view, and includes methods and lesson formats. The practical part contains work material meant as didactic inspiration for teaching local history.

(anglicky) The goal of my diploma thesis is to analyze Yury Buida`s prose mainly focusing on his cycle Prussian Bride, in which I will be looking for the elements typical for magical realism literature. Another question I will be exploring in this work is going to be a reflection of a historical memory of Kaliningrad Oblast inhabitants. I will be working with the works about magical realism including the one about the magical realism in Yury Buida`s work specifically, as well as with a selection of materials about historical and traumatic collective memory. The contribution of this work will be in a form of Yury Buida`s work analysis (which has not been properly studied until now) and its` representation in a context of a modern European literature studies. Key words: cycle, magical realism, memory, trauma, Yury Buida, Russian Literature of the 20th century

La memoria dentro del documental te permite transitar entre el pasado y el presente, sirve como ejercicio de resignación nacional, te permite ver hacia atrás y tomar conciencia del ahora. El presente tema de investigación tiene como objetivo principal exponer sobre la construcción de memoria entorno a la narrativa del documental Cuba and the Cameraman. Jon Alpert grabó durante más de cuarenta años, empezando desde la euforia de los subsidios soviéticos, el conflicto de la inmigración hasta el boom del turismo. Este archivo documental sirve como fuente de registro no solo individual sino para prevalecer una memoria colectiva. La metodología de este tema de investigación busca realizar un análisis de paradigma interpretativo con enfoque cualitativo, así mismo, se propone el diseño de estudio de caso, la técnica es el análisis de contenido, para ello se visionará el documental y se aplicará una guía de análisis de contenido a veinticuatro escenas. Se analizará el contexto en la historia como evocador de memoria, los principales acontecimientos de la estructura narrativa, construcción de personajes y punto de vista del autor a partir del documental. / The memory within the documentary allows you to move between the past and the present, it serves as an exercise in national resignation, it allows you to look back and become aware of the now. The main objective of this research topic is to expose on the construction of memory around the narrative of the documentary Cuba and the Cameraman. Jon Alpert recorded for more than forty years, starting from the euphoria of Soviet subsidies, the inmigration conflict to the tourism boom. The documentary archive serves as a source of record not only for the individual but also for a collective memory to prevail. The methodology of this research topic seeks to carry out an interpretive paradigm analysis with a qualitative approach, likewise, the case study design is proposed, the technique is content analysis, for this the documentary will be viewed and a guide will be applied content analysis to twenty-four scenes. The context in the story will be analyzed as an evocative of memory, the main events of the narrative structure, character construction and the author’s point of view from the documentary. / Trabajo de investigación